The complementizer layer in Standard Arabic revisited
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Salem Albuhayri
Abstract
This paper revisits three issues related to the complementizer layer (CP) in Standard Arabic. We reexamine them against the backdrop of Shlonsky’s 2000 analysis, and put forward a new proposal couched in Rizzi’s 1997 split-CP hypothesis. First, we examine the apparent distributional and interpretive differences between ʔinna and ʔanna, and subsequently argue that the former is a lexical verum operator that projects a VerumP in the middle of the split-CP field, whereas ʔanna is an indicative force head. Second, the current work presents another view on the elements analyzed as agreement clitics by Shlonsky (2000). We argue that they are not for agreement but rather are expletive or resumptive pronouns. Evidence that they are not agreement derives primarily from contexts where they appear in coordinated structures with overt DPs. We then investigate extraction patterns for questions and focus in matrix clauses as well as embedded clauses and propose that the preverbal subject DP in SVO is externally merged in SpecTopP in the split CP while it binds a null pro in SpecvP. This analysis captures the ban on extraction across the subject in SVO in that it shows that this DP is already higher in the structural hierarchy than the positions dedicated for focus and wh-questions.
Abstract
This paper revisits three issues related to the complementizer layer (CP) in Standard Arabic. We reexamine them against the backdrop of Shlonsky’s 2000 analysis, and put forward a new proposal couched in Rizzi’s 1997 split-CP hypothesis. First, we examine the apparent distributional and interpretive differences between ʔinna and ʔanna, and subsequently argue that the former is a lexical verum operator that projects a VerumP in the middle of the split-CP field, whereas ʔanna is an indicative force head. Second, the current work presents another view on the elements analyzed as agreement clitics by Shlonsky (2000). We argue that they are not for agreement but rather are expletive or resumptive pronouns. Evidence that they are not agreement derives primarily from contexts where they appear in coordinated structures with overt DPs. We then investigate extraction patterns for questions and focus in matrix clauses as well as embedded clauses and propose that the preverbal subject DP in SVO is externally merged in SpecTopP in the split CP while it binds a null pro in SpecvP. This analysis captures the ban on extraction across the subject in SVO in that it shows that this DP is already higher in the structural hierarchy than the positions dedicated for focus and wh-questions.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
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Part I. Phonetics and phonology
- Stress assignment and foot construction in a Southwestern Saudi Arabic dialect 11
- What triggers 'ima¯la 35
- A study of the place of articulation of the Arabic voiceless dorsal fricative 55
-
Part II. Syntax and semantics
- On the syntax of correlation: Evidence from Egyptian Arabic 71
- The complementizer layer in Standard Arabic revisited 109
- Sluicing and sprouting in Jordanian Arabic 135
-
Part III. Clinical linguistics
- Clinical linguistic research in the study of Arabic diglossia 155
- Index 173
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
-
Part I. Phonetics and phonology
- Stress assignment and foot construction in a Southwestern Saudi Arabic dialect 11
- What triggers 'ima¯la 35
- A study of the place of articulation of the Arabic voiceless dorsal fricative 55
-
Part II. Syntax and semantics
- On the syntax of correlation: Evidence from Egyptian Arabic 71
- The complementizer layer in Standard Arabic revisited 109
- Sluicing and sprouting in Jordanian Arabic 135
-
Part III. Clinical linguistics
- Clinical linguistic research in the study of Arabic diglossia 155
- Index 173
