Volume 108, Issue 1

Zusammenfassung In Reaktion auf die (zweiten) Bannung und der von ihm erwarteten Absetzung durch Papst Gregor IX. versuchte Kaiser Friedrich II. die Stellung der Kardinäle unter Rückgriff auf kontrovers diskutierte Bestimmungen des kanonischen Rechts propagandistisch aufzuwerten. Möglicherweise erhoffte er sich durch die Betonung ihrer Teilnahme an der plenitudo potestatis des Papstes einen mäßigenden Einfluss auf Gregor, vielleicht auch durch sie die Einberufung eines eigentlich dem Papst vorbehaltenen allgemeinen Konzils. Warum es dem Kaiser letztlich jedoch nicht gelang, die Mehrheit der Kardinäle zu einer Gegenposition zum Papst zu bewegen, soll in dieser Studie untersucht werden.

This paper explores a little-known florilegium of 36 canons found in Reims, Bibliothèque municipale Ms. 15. The canons form one part of a dossier against simoniac prelates, assembled in 1078–1079 by reform-minded clergy in Reims to bring down the archbishop, Manasses I ( ca . 1069–1080). Taken nearly whole-cloth from the Tuscan Collectio Barberiniana, the canons of Reims 15 shed light on the transmission of legal material from northern Italy to northern France, and offer precious insight into how this material was assembled for use. Moreover, substantial elements of the florilegium were incorporated into the eleventh-century legal collection known as Sinemuriensis. Using the canonical material of Reims 15, this paper offers a new hypothesis concerning the various recensions of Sinemuriensis and their dating, and concludes with an edition of the canons from the Reims florilegium .

The Collectio Britannica, compiled in the late 11th century and preserved in only one manuscript (London, BL, Add MS 8873), contains numerous excerpts from papal letters dating from the fifth to the eleventh centuries, including many that are not known from other sources. For a long time it was considered a reliable source, but between the 1940s and 1980s some scholars expressed doubts about the authenticity of various letters found in the Britannica, and even in more recent research the collection is still viewed with suspicion. However, a re-examination of the relevant studies shows that many arguments against the authenticity of the papal letters as found in the Britannica were speculative at best. Most ‘suspicious’ elements are in fact found only in the extant London copy of the Britannica, not in the version used in the 1090s by Ivo of Chartres and his collaborators. Only in very few cases is there reason to believe that the sections of the Britannica in question contain extracts from forged or falsified papal letters. With the exception of the section on Leo IV, the relevant parts of the Britannica can usually be relied upon to faithfully retain the content, wording, cursus, and even the order of the papal registers on which they are ultimately based. Content: I. Introduction, The Extant Copy, Why Think the Britannica Draws on Registers? – II. Possible Manipulations by the Britannica Compiler, p. 121, Sancta octo and the Ecumenicity of Constantinople IV, The Britannica Interpolated by Ivo?, Kuttner’s Doubts on JL 5383 and JE 3180, Confusing Nicholas I, Hincmar, and Saint Cyprian, Summary. – III. Much Smoke but Little Fire: Supposed Forged Sources Behind the Britannica, p. 132, Leo’s pallium Grant for Hincmar, The Excommunication of the Emperor, A ‘Great Stumbling Block’: Ullmann and JE 2646, Ullmann on the Letters of Gelasius I, The ‘Archbishop of Dol’ in JE 3003, Summary. – IV. Chronological Order, p. 149, Gelasius I and Pelagius I, Alexander II, John VIII, Saint Boniface, Urban II, Leo IV (and Stephen V), Summary. – V. Selection Criteria, p. 161. – VI. Conclusions, p. 165

Zusammenfassung Wie entstanden die richterliche Beweiswürdigung und der Verzicht auf Wahrheit bei der richterlichen Urteilsfindung? Vermutungen rechtfertigten im römisch-kanonischen Beweisrecht meist kein Urteil. Im konfessionellen Zeitalter entstanden Theorien des Probabilismus, wonach Menschen allenfalls Wahrscheinlichkeiten erkennen konnten. Mathematiker bewiesen anhand von juristischen Schulfällen des 13. Jahrhunderts den substantiellen Unterschied zwischen Verdacht und nahezu sicherem Wissen. Der britische Sensualismus ließ im Jury-Mitglied den unvoreingenommenen Richter erkennen, wogegen der Berufsrichter nur durch Vorurteile geprägt sein könne. Die freie Beweiswürdigung wurde daher zum Ideal im Zuge der Französischen Revolution. Inhalt: I. Einleitung. – II. Die objektive Wahrheit im gemeinen Beweisrecht, 1. Die Kraft der Vermutungen, 2. Ausnahme I: Jenseits der poena ordinaria , 3. Ausnahme II: Thomas de Piperata, 4. Ausnahme III: Das freie Ermessen des Fürsten. – III. Die Wahrscheinlichkeit bloß menschlicher Erkenntnis, 1. Melanchthon und die neue Sicherheit durch Methode, 2. Melchior Cano und die Antwort der römischen Kirche. – IV. Vom Skeptizismus zur Wahrscheinlichkeit sinnlichen Erkennens, 1. Michel de Montaigne, 2. John Locke, 3. David Hume. – V. Die Wahrscheinlichkeit der Mathematik, 1. Jakob und Nikolaus Bernoulli, 2. Bayes-Theorem. – VI. Der Weg zur französischen Revolution. – VI. Schluss

This article provides a first sketch of the scholarly and confessional identity of the Helmstedt law professor, Heinrich Hahn (1605–1668). It analyses Hahn’s most important work, a commentary on the Paratitla by Matthaeus Wesenbeck (1531–1586), and a funeral sermon delivered by Balthasar Cellarius (1614–1689) at Hahn’s funeral. By exploring what Hahn’s work reveals about his religious convictions alongside Cellarius’ portrait of him, the article presents a paradigmatic model of the interaction between law and religion in the early modern period. In his commentary, Hahn employs Scholastic moral theology, both at the level of general principles and in the resolution of legal problems. However, when it comes to decisive doctrinal points, Hahn turns away from Catholic sources. In the sermon, Cellarius presents Hahn as an ideal law professor whose faith was the foundation of his professional ethos as well as his private life. Throughout the sermon, he questions whether jurists can be good Christians and negotiates the relationship between faith and works.

The Administration of Ecclesiastical Goods between State and Church: Fabricae Ecclesiae in Wuerttemberg in the 19th and 20th centuries . Since the Middle Ages, fabricae ­ecclesiae served to finance the erection and the maintenance of churches. The Church claimed to freely administer these goods, even if lay men often served as administrators. In the 19th century, the Kingdom of Wuerttemberg took over control of these goods and ordered the state municipality, assisted by local clerics, to govern them. In 1887, the king of Wuerttemberg started a process to separate ecclesiastical from secular goods. After WWI, the fabricae ecclesiae in Wuerttemberg were administered entirely by the Catholic Church. This contribution analyses this evolution from three perspectives, namely universal canon law, state law in Wuerttemberg, and particular canon law. It thereby highlights the tension between self-administration and state control of ecclesiastical goods, especially in the 19th century, and points to the fact that even the Catholic Church was part of the secular ruler’s authority over the church.

Steffen Patzold's recent book on priests in the Carolingian era invites reflection about methods in legal history, interwoven lay and clerical participation in religious activity, the meaning of ecclesial reform, and the application of new scholarship to materials previously framed with early twentieth-century analysis.

“The free church in the free state” is a quotation from the Italian politician Cavour that the Austrian Minister of Culture Drimmel took up when he ushered in a new era of Austrian religious policy in 1954. The situation was complicated because the validity of the Concordat with Rome of 1934 was disputed. It was not until the State Treaty of 1955 that its continued validity under international law was confirmed; its domestic enactment by a rump parliament in 1935 (without Social Democratic deputies) was challenged by the Socialist coalition partner. It was not until 1957 that a solution to the concordat issue could be tackled. This was done by renegotiating partial concordats. At the same time, the Protestant Law was drafted, of which the aforementioned minister could say that it realized best his ideas on religious law. He regretted that it could not be implemented in the form of a church treaty. Constitutional concerns stood in the way because the Protestant Church does not have subjectivity under international law. The article discusses the prehistory of the Protestant Law and analyzes individual provisions of it.