Volume 61, Issue 4

This article argues for a gradient approach to word order, which treats word order preferences, both within and across languages, as a continuous variable. Word order variability should be regarded as a basic assumption, rather than as something exceptional. Although this approach follows naturally from the emergentist usage-based view of language, we argue that it can be beneficial for all frameworks and linguistic domains, including language acquisition, processing, typology, language contact, language evolution and change, and formal approaches. Gradient approaches have been very fruitful in some domains, such as language processing, but their potential is not fully realized yet. This may be due to practical reasons. We discuss the most pressing methodological challenges in corpus-based and experimental research of word order and propose some practical solutions.

Modal verbs are well-known to license ellipsis of their complements under certain conditions. In the literature on Spanish, such sequences, which I refer to as Modal Ellipsis (ME), have been traditionally argued to involve a null pronoun. These analyses therefore treat ME simply as an instance of Null Complement Anaphora (NCA). In this article, I scrutinize the data adduced in the literature on Spanish and defend that (i) ME in this language is different from NCA, and (ii) ME must involve PF-deletion of a TP node. Even though these claims are not new, I provide novel data in an attempt to clarify some of the controversial facts and claims that exist in the Spanish literature. In doing so, I strengthen the recent view of ME as a PF-deletion phenomenon.

This paper investigates the geographical and structural diffusion of “Viennese Monophthongization” (VM). By means of a new numerical measure to assess and compare formant movement in 18 lexical items, we provide evidence that VM is an ongoing, regular sound change transforming [aɛ̯] and [aɔ̯] gradually into [æː] and [ɒː]. Data are based on direct dialect recordings of 76 speakers in two age groups in 19 eastern and central Austrian rural locations. Results indicate that VM is diffusing from Vienna in a wave-like fashion. Even though VM is reported to have been established in other bigger cities for more than 30 years, the data show no evidence of diffusion from these cities. There are also other factors affecting the degree of formant movement: The phonetic-phonological environment (stress and the following consonant) explains most of the variance in the data, whereas no frequency effects could be found. Social identity, cultural space, and gender-related network structures are discussed as additional social factors.

The social categories that characterize a speaker frequently correlate with the use of specific linguistic variables. Research suggests that such correlations are sometimes recognized as socially-indexed meanings. This study examines Japanese individuals’ attitudes toward variables that have been shown to correlate with the social category of gender in production. In particular, we contrast patterns of gendered variation that (i) have been prescriptively associated with speaker sex and (ii) tend to correlate with gender in speech production but are outside of the set of prescriptive “women’s language”. We found that individuals have formed associations between the gender of the speaker and prescriptive variables but not other patterns of variation. Additionally, knowledge of the speech context of the variables had no significant effect on individuals’ judgments. The results indicate that not all social information available from patterns of language use is recovered by listeners. More broadly, examining the transmission of social meaning through linguistic variation requires a combination of production- and perception-based research methods.

Copulative perception verbs such as English sound have received scant attention relative to other perception verbs, especially in non-European languages. In Hebrew, these verbs can take both adjectival and adverbial complements, a fact which sets Hebrew apart from previously studied languages, and which has heretofore been overlooked. This article investigates the usage of Hebrew copulative perception verbs with adverbial complements, with adjectival complements, and in impersonal constructions. A large-scale corpus study and a preference experiment reveal that each of these three constructions has a different interpretation. With adverbial complements, the verbs have an “attributary” meaning, attributing properties to perceptual impressions of objects. The complement slot in these cases is restricted to subjective multidimensional properties, which previous accounts of the attributary meaning fail to predict, motivating a novel analysis in terms of dimension selection. With adjectival complements, as well as in impersonal constructions, the verbs have a parenthetical meaning, taking and modifying a proposition argument. The two constructions are not equivalent, however. With adjectival complements, the verbs encode evidential but not epistemic information, and vice versa in impersonal constructions, reinforcing the need to maintain a distinction between the classes of evidentials and epistemic modals.

Full-fledged grammatical article systems as attested in Germanic and Romance languages are rather uncommon from a typological perspective. The frequency with which articles occur in these languages, together with the difficulty encountered in detecting them and the lack of a water-tight account of article use, make article errors one of the most frequent errors in language produced by L2 learners whose L1 does not feature an article system of similar complexity, all the while appearing unproblematic for L1 users. We present a conceptually and methodologically interdisciplinary approach to the grammatical category of articles in English and combine a usage-based, cognitive linguistic account of the function and use of articles that respects its discourse-based nature with a computational exploration of the challenges the system poses from the perspective of learning. Running a statistical classifier on a large sample of spoken and written discourse chunks extracted from the BNC and annotated for the five main determinants of article use reveals that Hearer Knowledge is the driver of a hierarchical system. Once Hearer Knowledge is acknowledged as the motivating principle of the category, article use becomes eminently predictable and restrictions are in line with the forms from which the articles have developed historically, with the and a acting as category defaults and zero acting as default override. Simulations with a computational model anchored in the psychology of learning shed light on whether and how human cognition would handle the proposed relations detected in the data. We find that different articles have different learnability profiles that, again, are in line with their historical development: while the can be learned from one strong indicator, the relationships for the zero article are less exclusive. On the basis of these findings, we argue that the article category appears as a referent tracking system that grammaticalizes the principles of “audience design”: it forces a speaker to track and mark reference from the vantage point of the memory of the hearer, thereby reducing the processing effort required from the hearer. This particular mindset inverses the typologically dominant situation in which this information is not explicitly marked by the speaker but implicitly retrieved from context by the hearer.

This article, which reports on an experimental study based on data obtained from 86 native speakers of Northern Rural Jordanian Arabic (NRJA), offers empirical evidence that emphasis spread can apply bidirectionally across word edges when they are prosodically word internal. In other words, emphasis can spread from one word to a neighboring (plain) word when the two words form one prosodic word (ω). In order to support this hypothesis, we examine simple construct-state nominals (i.e., nominals consisting of two members), which are widely assumed to behave prosodically as one word in Arabic grammar (see, e.g., Borer, Hagit. 1999. Deconstructing the construct. In Kyle Johnson & Ian Roberts (eds.), Beyond principles and parameters , 3–89. Dordrecht: Kluwer). A simple construct state nominal is mapped onto one ω, as proposed in the current article. Additionally, this article examines instances of construct state nominals in which two words could be members of a ω by cliticization. In this case, a weak form (e.g., a reduced functional word such as an auxiliary verb) is attached to the ω of a lexical word, as an enclitic. The article shows that emphasis spreads across word edges within the ω mapped from a simple construct state nominal or a word along with its enclitics. In so doing, it provides evidence that the domain of emphasis spread is larger than the syllable, morpheme, or single-word form, as proposed by other studies for other Arabic varieties.