Volume 93, Issue 2 -

This paper originates from reflections on two Aristotelian works ( De mirabilibus auscultationibus and the Athenaion Politeia ) and some fragments from the tenth book of Theopompus’ Philippika . There is the possibility – even if we have to be careful – that the work of the Chian historian was used by his contemporary Aristotle. Moreover, the friendship that Aristotle and Theopompus established with Philip’s entourage throws new light on the relationship between Greeks and Macedonians in the middle of the fourth century B.C. In fact during the forties of the fourth century the Persian king limited himself to give secret help to some Athenian politicians and allowed satraps from Asia Minor to aid Perintus, besieged by Philip, but he did not take sides overtly against Macedonia. Relationships between Macedonia and Atarneus are not clear and the real projects of Philip are unknown, but probably, the Macedonian king aimed to establish good neighbourly relationships in Asia Minor and for this purpose used Greek intermediaries such as Theopompus and Aristotle: it is even possible that he approached the tyrant of Atarneus, Hermias, with the intercession of Aristotle himself. In conclusion, aside from Demosthenes’ complaints, in these years Philip had no real motives for launching a campaign against Persia.

Philip and Alexander, directly by their actions, indirectly by the discourses initiated by their supporters, tried to find a plausible and generally acceptable justification for the destruction of Greek cities. They tried to assert themselves as champions of divine justice. By recalling and manipulating historical traditions from the Persian Wars which could be connected with the actual situation, both kings created a continuity between past and present and acted as legitimate leaders of the Greeks. In the name of Hellas, so they claimed, they defeated impiety, injustice and treason.

The restoration (apodosis) of the so-called ‚Little Sea’ to Iasus, acted by Alexander the Great and known thanks to the decree IIasos 24 + 30 is herein examined and dated to the final years of the reign of the Macedon, when the Hecatomnid princess Ada was replaced by the new satrap, the Macedonian Philoxenus (326/4–323 BCE). The area, traditionally considered as a sort of vast fishing-ground, is reinterpreted from a new economic viewpoint, as an important site of salt pans and pasturages on regional scale. The apodosis may have produced, therefore, high revenues for the city, perhaps to be used in part (but there is complete uncertainty about this) for the ekklesiastikon payment described in IIasos 20. This event could be interpreted as one of the most relevant expressions of the king’s interest for the autonomia of the Greeks in the coastal area of north-western Caria.

Since the third century BC the Libyan population, who had lived dispersed before, increasingly concentrated in small fortified hilltop settlements. Crops were raised, in addition cattle were bred and trees were raised. This mixed economy persisted also in Roman times. Usually a certain family succeeded to monopolize the political and religious leadership in the villages. This claim found its visible expression in the large tumuli . As places of worship of the collective ancestors the graves were also meeting points of the community. Insofar they were also a visible reference point of the settlement and promoted the development of a local identity. According to Niklas Luhmann the Libyan communities of the Tunisian hinterland can be described as „Häuptlingsgesellschaften“ (= chieftain societies). This structure can still be seen in inscriptions of the Imperial period. The Roman administration however seems to have stimulated the development to a more legally regulated political and social system.

Based on vast evidence, the P.Artemid. can be regarded as an authentic text dating to the first century AD and Canfora’s claim that it might be a forgery can be rejected. The paper deals primarily with the five extant text columns of the papyrus fragment, which along with the unfinished map derive from an epitome of Artemidorus. This master copy of P.Artemid. offered the compacted content of all eleven books of the geographer on one scroll. It seems that the epitomator copied those excerpts which – according to ancient perceptions – were regarded as the passages of highest quality of Artemidorus’s work: his descriptions of coasts. Therefore, P.Artemid. contains an excerpt of the proemium on cols. I–III as well as a paraplus of Iberia on cols. IV–V. The copy of the epitome of Artemidorus probably was discontinued soon after the beginning, because a map of the inland proved to be incompatible with the paraplus of Iberia. Later the papyrus was reused twice (in a mummy?) until it ended up as part of a papyrus convolute during the late Flavian period.

This paper studies the ways in which poetic citations were incorporated in Roman technical works, and specifically in compositions dealing with agriculture, architecture and tactics. The questions asked are: Which kinds of poems are cited? What is the frequency of their use? What is the role of these citations within their new context? The theme is particularly intriguing in relation to technical writing because by definition their focus was accurate information and pointed instruction while poetry was characterized by linguistic elaboration and emotional pathos. The reunion of these two literary genres – the technical and the poetic – is therefore the focus of the present discussion.

The magister equitum named by the dictator L. Quinctius Cicinnatus in 458 B. C. appears as L. Tarquinius in the annalistic tradition and as L. Taquitius Flaccus in the fasti consulares . Assuming the Tarquinians dissapeared from Rome after the expulsion of the kings, the most of the modern authors prefers the second version, which I do not consider as satisfactory approach. This paper tries to show the veracity of the annalistical version, on the basis of an analysis of the historical context and the relationship between the Tarquinii, the Quinctii and the Mamilii from Tusculum.

Literary information concerning the constitution of the Germanic provinces has hardly been taken into consideration. From the study of this information the constitution of the province Germania can be reconstructed quite differently. The province was obviously founded in about 16 BC on the left side of the Rhine as a basis for transrhenish campaigns. After the extension of the province to the east failed with the Varian disaster, it was divided between 10 and 14 AD into the two provinces Germania inferior and Germania superior. There is no evidence for the existence of two military districts until the reign of Domitian. This term was invented by ancient historians in the 19th century.

A new reading of the inscription IGL Novae No. 74 shows that the monument is to be understood as a votive column for Deus Aeternus rather than a milestone. In contrast to earlier interpretations the cult of this deity seems to originate from the Balkans although it perhaps incorporated elements from various other cults. Besides, the epithet aeternus could be used for various deities, for example the Jewish god or Iuppiter Dolichenus.

The rescript of Hispellum (CIL 11, 5265 = D 705), promulgated in the last years of Constantines reign, is often been understood as proof of an anti-pagan policy because the superstition ( superstitio ) the emperor prohibited was interpreted too arbitrary. It has to be understood in more traditional terms in contrast to religio and the text is a document for the continuity of the imperial cult under Constantine.

For several decades scholars considered it as a fact that there existed a specific rigorous law which required the Sasanian kings to wear a personalised crown and even forced them to change their crown in specific circumstances. Upon taking a closer look though, it becomes apparent that the so-called „Sasanian crown law“ is a construct of modern research. The emergence and continuous development of this construct will be traced here. On the basis of a recently published attempt to present a new interpretation of the relief of king Narse in Naqsh-i Rustam it will be demonstrated that the development of the construct is still ongoing, with amongst others the augmentation of the repertory of circumstances which allegedly forced a change of crown.