Band 63, Heft 1-2

The data provided by the Linear B tablets from Knossos concerning the toponyms da-wo and pa-i-to, compared with the archaeological finds at the site of Haghia Triada - in the Cretan Messara Plain - strongly suggest that the Linear B name of this site was da-wo, while pa-i-to indicated only Phaistos.

This paper investigates the eupatridai of Cyprus and their roles on the island. It examines the only two attestations of the Greek term eupatridēs in inscriptions from Amathous and Kafizin, namely IG XV 1.1 n° 7, an original Eteocypriot- alphabetic Greek monumental decree and IG XV 2.1 n° 67, an alphabetic Greek private dedication. Contrary to previous scholarship, which claims that Cypriot elites easily assimilated into the emerging Ptolemaic administrative apparatus, a deeper analysis of the title eupatridēs demonstrates that the integration process was protracted and uneven. While the assimilation of the upper class did occur, it only happened at a later stage. The study shows that this title was introduced to the island in the late Classical period, likely from Greece, retaining primary meanings it had in Classical Athens. It designates members of local elites who fought to maintain their superior status and preserve the traditional Cypriot socio-political structure - which entailed their great prestige and privileges - during a transitional period from the end of the 4th century BCE until the second half of the 3rd century BCE. During those years, the wars among the diadochi, who aimed to take possession of Cyprus, threatened the traditional subdivision of the island into city-kingdoms, which ultimately dissolved under Ptolemaic rule (c. 294-258 BCE). The appearance of the title eupatridēs in late Classical and early Hellenistic inscriptions may be a significant testimony to the Cypriots’ initial reaction against contemporary political upheavals and the introduction of a new administration.

This article presents an edition and commentary of a hitherto unpublished Carian inscription found in the ancient settlement of Mengefe, north of Keramos, in 2008. The inscription is carved on the mouth of a pithos and consists of 58 readable signs. The text offers significant new information about Carian.

In this paper, I analyse the Carian gloss σουαγγελα, attested in Stephen of Byzantium. I propose that possible cognates of γελα ‘king’, the second element of the gloss, may be identified in Hittite, Hieroglyphic Luwian, Lycian, and possibly cuneiform Luwian. This analysis incidentally provides viable etymologies for certain Armenian lexemes, which can now be considered as loanwords from Anatolian languages (specifically Luwian). The new Carian etymology enables the reconstruction of an Anatolian root meaning ‘head’ (vel sim.), accounting for most Anatolian lexical material through conservation or trivial semantic shifts. Additionally, it offers evidence for a sound change that likely occurred during borrowing of words from Carian into Greek. In the final section, I tentatively propose that the first element of the compound σουαγγελα also reflects an authentic Carian word. Through this contribution, I aim to demonstrate that even a seemingly uncertain item like a gloss can prompt a reevaluation of a set of words and uncover previously unnoticed etymological connections.

This article presents a corrected reading of the traces of the Old Phrygian inscription on the Arslan Kaya monument in the Phrygian Highlands, attesting to the name of the goddess, Materan, and providing notice of stylistic details that confirm the dating of this monument to the first half or middle of the sixth century BCE.

This paper revisits a previously published graffito read among other Greek inscriptions on rock near Salihler, reinterpreting it as an Old Phrygian text that features an anthroponymic sequence. While one of the names, urakas, has been documented previously in Gordion, aᴪiyas is entirely new to the Phrygian corpus. Notably, this identification provides a new instance of the much-debated Phrygian letter no. 22.

Lydian o-vocalism has proved a difficult problem of historical phonology and the origin of many o-vowels remains unclear. In this paper, one sound law responsible for secondary o-vocalism is presented: the backing of an accented *á when adjacent to k. This sound law provides an etymology for the nominal suffix -oka- and can be supported by several independent data points. One consequence is the elucidation of the word kocwid as meaning ‘rite, cult supply’, leading to an improved understanding of three separate Lydian passages. An ongoing rounding of á to o when adjacent to f is also hypothesised, based on new evidence with observable a/o-vacillation.

The Anatolian hieroglyphic inventory features two phonetic signs conventionally translated as “a”: 〈a〉 = L. 450 and 〈a〉 = L. 19. Their distribution has eluded explanation due to the complicated conventions governing the use of the 〈a〉 sign, which can be placed at the end of a word (“initial-a-final”), replaced with 〈a〉 (“a-substitution”), or deleted (“a-deletion”). Some words also regularly change between 〈a〉 and 〈a〉 within their paradigm. Based on a more refined understanding of these conventions, which vary by period and location, and comparison with data from the closely related Lycian language and Luwian names in Greek transmission, it will be suggested that 〈a〉 and 〈a〉 corresponded to the low vowels /a/ and /ɑ/ respectively. It will be argued that distinction between the two vowels in Luwian ultimately arose from the Proto-Anatolian contrast between the short and long non-high vowels, but also in some instances from the Luwic umlaut (mostly anticipatory backing of /a/ to /ɑ/). New evidence is also put forth that the vowel system of some dialects of Late Luwian underwent a change due to contact with Semitic languages. This resulted in an orthographic reform beginning in the late 9th century BC, which has practical implications for the dating of certain inscriptions.