Volume 2010, Issue 206

The author takes an outsider's look at sociolinguistics and aims various criticisms at it. He sees the discipline's reluctance to let go of proper sociological and historical questions while at the same time insisting on remaining strictly a branch of linguistics as its first and foremost problem from which the rest ultimately derive. More specifically, he criticizes the idealistic and ahistorical use of such terms as “language” and “dialect” and the failure to see the usefulness of “patois”; the failure properly to define “bilingualism” and “diglossia” and to see the fundamental distinction between them; and the unfortunate confusion created around the idea of “code switching,” which inextricably mixes together (i) sociologically significant language switching (typical of situations of bilingualism), (ii) cases of diglossia, (iii) the would-be monolingualism of as yet imperfectly assimilated immigrant or subject populations, and (iv) a ragbag of banal individual examples too idiosyncratic to be sociologically meaningful.

This article uses Bourdieu's theory of practice to discuss the discourse of language rights in the Naivasha language policy in Sudan. The article argues that understanding language as a form of practice inseparable from the whole class habitus leads to the avoidance of any monothetic and totalizing discourses that treat language as a self-sufficient code. Instead, it argues for a recognition of the temporality and multidirectionality of language framed in a broad (critical) ethnographic sense. It contends that the statement of language rights in the Naivasha language policy cannot sanctify local languages as media of education unless it addresses the possibilities of creating the economic and social conditions for their use. It is these historical conditions that provide a value to the linguistic habitus of the subjugated groups in the Sudan. The endeavor invites a rethinking of the relationship in language rights campaigns between the academic habitus of linguists and the practical habitus of members of communities. The article concludes by arguing that any technical linguistic activities under the banner of Naivasha language policy that are not informed by the practicalities of everyday life are alienating; hence, they remain reproductive of the existing unequal power relations.

This article reports findings from a survey on language usage in Belarus, which encompasses bilingual Belarusian and Russian. First, the distribution of language usage is discussed. Then the dependency of language usage on some sociocultural conditions is explored. Finally, the changes in language usage over three generations are discussed. We find that a mixed Belarusian–Russian form of speech is widely used in the cities studied and that it is spoken across all educational levels. However, it seems to be predominantly utilized in informal communication, especially among friends and family members, leaving Russian and Belarusian to more formal or public venues.

Little empirical research has focused on what people say that triggers the salience of age for older adults, let alone for other age groupings. In this study, 570 American respondents (young adult, middle-aged, and older adult) wrote about events that made them “feel my age,” “feel younger,” and “feel older” and also rated the frequency and valence of these events. This generated many thousands of expressed events that coders subsumed under 28 generic categories. Very different patterns of age salience emerged for the three generations. Among these, “feeling younger” was rated as less frequent and favorably by young adults, but much more positively by the two samples of older adults. The latter rated “feeling older” less positively than the younger sample, especially the older group who rated it negatively. There was some overlap between events that triggered “feeling my age” and “feeling older,” most of which were associated with physical and cognitive decline for the two older samples. The findings were discussed and future research directions indicated.

This article reports on a study of Turkish immigrants, a group that has resisted the rapid shift to English throughout their four decades in Australia. The study sought to identify the unique set of sociohistorical reasons for continued Turkish use and youth perspectives on Turkish vitality. Study participants were students and graduates of secondary Turkish programs in the state of Victoria (n = 16). Information on their language biographies, bilingual achievements, and language orientations were collected in large-scale surveys (n = 858) and follow-up interviews (n = 177). Participating youth expressed an overwhelmingly positive attitude toward Turkish maintenance yet were not confident in their Turkish skills. They recognized that the future of Turkish depended on their commitment to learn and use Turkish and pass it on to the next generation. Young people's assessment of the available Turkish language programs revealed that additional support is needed to sustain Turkish bilingualism beyond the second generation, including a relevant and coherent curriculum to teach Turkish as a second language, well-prepared bilingual teachers, and Turkish classes in universities to upgrade teachers' language skills.

Australia still has a vibrant linguistic heritage, both from its indigenous people and the people that have left their countries of origin to call Australia home. The Italian community in Australia is the largest non-English-speaking group. However, like all other established immigrant groups, the Italians have been showing a steady shift away from their Italian languages to the use of English only. An analysis of recent censuses and data, obtained through recordings in the home and by participant observation in a transactional domain, presented in this article makes it clear that there are little grounds for optimism on the maintenance of either Italian or any of the Italian regional varieties in Australia.

This article examines the history of diglossia in Hong Kong, and goes on to argue that Hong Kong is similar to German-speaking Switzerland in that it is a rare example of diglossia in a highly modernized society. These two cases differ from most traditional defining cases of diglossia in the nature of their societies, the nature of their high (H) variety, the degree of stability in their diglossic patterns, the historical path through which their diglossic patterns evolved, and the forces that sustain their diglossia, especially the role played by identity issues. It is argued that these two cases should be viewed as a small but distinct subcategory of diglossia that I will call modern diglossia.

The omnipresence in public display and the concomitant use of English in transglossic communication in the Expanding Circle are signs of the phenomenal inroads of English worldwide. A paradoxical situation exists, however, in the Democratic Republic of Congo where the infinitesimal use of English in intra-national transactions contrasts sharply with the visibility of streetwise English in French advertisements. This article seeks to identify the motivations for mixing English in French shop names, signs, billboards, and advertisements for a largely non English-knowing audience. Four main categories of functions of English were isolated in the analysis of a representative sample of advertisements and non-structured interviews with a small number of advertisers: brand advertisements, hybrid advertisements, clone advertisements, and imitation advertisements. The first two are used by multinationals, eager to maintain their international brand identity, with or without a local flavor. The third type of advertisements is preferred by local business owners who wish to identify their businesses with well-known international brands. The last is the preserve of local shop owners who wish to portray themselves as sophisticated, modern world travelers. In brief, the mixing of English in French advertisements can be summarized by three concepts: symbolism, imagined identity, and modernity.

This article outlines the current challenges inherent in the disjuncture between language in education policy and policy implementation in South Africa and offers some perspectives on existing opportunities for addressing these challenges. Factors alienating young people from valuable opportunities for meaningful self-expression within existing educational structures are, among others, externally imposed norms and standards, the continued low status of African languages, misapplications of the prevailing Western “culture of reading,” and failure to address linguistic diversity overtly in the classroom, at the community level, and in the wider political context. Failure to acquire literacies which may enable youth to participate meaningfully in the ever-widening neo-capitalist economic global context lays them open to exploitation. Insights into the kinds of initiatives on the ground, such as tapping multiliteracies and multimodal engagement, hold great promise for more equitable participation of the youth and go a long way toward putting structures in place to curb the downward literacy spiral. In conclusion, without radical structural transformation and opportunities for equitable recognition and exchange of resources between mainstream and currently marginal populations, “accommodations” and “add on” paradigms of diversity will be perpetuated. These lack the moral imperative for effecting meaningful change in educational practices.

This article is an account of a long-term linguistic fieldwork project at San Antonio Pueblo, New Mexico, an indigenous North American community that places great emphasis on controlling access to cultural and linguistic materials. Using two previous accounts of linguistic fieldwork to frame critical ethical issues (Matras, Language contact, language endangerment, and the role of the “salvation linguist”, Hans Rausing Endangered Languages Project, 2005; Wilkins, Australian Journal of Linguistics 12: 171–200, 1992), I present my experience of working collaboratively with a tribe who limits the circulation of indigenous language materials and shapes the scope of my research inquiries. As part of my account, I delineate the advantages and challenges of this partnership over time, present an account of my role as researcher, and analyze the ethics of gain and loss for both fieldworkers and indigenous communities. In doing this, I argue for the efficacy of reflexivity, continuously examining one's place in a community of study, and engaging with the experiences of other fieldworkers in order to craft ethical research projects.

Music is a popular tool for language revitalization efforts, providing both an attraction for potential language learners and a cultural context for language-related activities. In both Scotland and Nova Scotia, Canada, Gaelic revitalization is further linked with instrumental music, especially fiddle and bagpipe music, because the language is regarded as directly informing its rhythm and articulation. While this relationship creates the potential for a rich interaction between language and music enthusiasts, it is also complicated by a long history of contested definitions of authentic Gaelic expression. When local self-esteem is an important component of successful language revitalization, such complications must be addressed.

US bilingual classrooms were originally created for students who had limited proficiency in English, but who came from homes where reading and writing formed an integral part of their lives. This article explores the challenge of having a growing number of indigenous Mexican students in US bilingual classrooms who do not come from literate backgrounds and whose oral expression is not associated with the academic registers of school. This article documents the role or mediation (or interactional scaffolding) taking place in conversations between a teacher and two indigenous Mexican-Mixteco students who were attending a New York City dual-language, bilingual kindergarten class (Spanish–English). This article sheds light on the complex process that mastering academic language requires and the vital role that teacher–student interactions play in the development and understanding of academic language. These interactions cannot be left to chance; they require thoughtful planning and have to be collectively constructed and practiced.