Volume 2004, Issue 170

Parallel to the current growth of societal and individual multilingualism, there is also a multiplication of the availability of and need for multilingual written texts of all types. Both the number and the type of such texts in a given area depend on a variety of factors, such as the number of languages present, language policy, the status of speakers, the self-esteem of speakers, the reader-orientation of text suppliers, etc., and thus the number and type of these texts reflect the social layering within a community. The article proposes a model for describing and analyzing multilingual written texts in a way that facilitates meaningful analyses both within and across regions, domains, and societies by using parameters such as spatial mobility of the object inscribed, visibility of multilingualism, and specific type of the arrangement of multilingual information (duplicating, fragmentary, overlapping, complementary). The model is exemplified on the basis of stationary multilingual written text as observed in Lira Town (Uganda) between 2000 and 2002. These and additional data are then used (a) to supply brief analyses for a number of linguistically visible domains (health, agriculture, bookshops, politics, advertising) by correlating the publicly visible written language use with the linguistic knowledge of the population, and (b) to discuss its potential influence on the status of the languages involved.

Afrikaans is the home language of 5.9 million people. During the 1980s, Afrikaans was the dominant state language and a widely-used lingua franca in South Africa and Namibia. But by the end of the twentieth century, English had replaced Afrikaans as the dominant state language and a decline in the use of Afrikaans was in evidence, even among native Afrikaans speakers. An examination of this language's twentieth-century journey helps illustrate the relationship(s) between political power, national identity, and the growth and/or decline of languages.

De Klerk (1999, 2002) surveyed first-name changes over two parallel three-month periods in 1977 and 2000 in order to ascertain whether there were any discernible trends in choices for new names among different ethnic and linguistic groups. Results of both of those studies revealed that sociocultural factors were the most significant reasons why people changed their names and there was a surprising trend in favor of English names among speakers of all African languages (de Klerk 2002). This paper reports on one further survey, focused exclusively on name changes made by speakers of African languages. The data have been taken from the Government Gazettes for the period December 2001 to February 2002 and they are analyzed in terms of the apparent reasons for the name changes, in order to explore more recent developments in this area. The findings reflect that while there is still a preference for English names among African name changers, it is not as strong as in the previous data. There is also a discernible increase in the influence of aesthetic factors in name changes. These trends suggest a steady drift away from traditional African naming practices, possibly as a result of the effects of urbanization.

The way in which economic trends such as globalization and cultural trends such as the African Renaissance become economically as well as linguistically influential has repercussions for the quest for new political, cultural, and linguistic identity formations in the “New South Africa.” Background knowledge about the cultural, linguistic, and political identification processes that speakers are engaged in is a crucial part of the meaningful linguistic interpretation. In this paper, the role of English in national reidentification in South Africa is discussed against the backdrop of these two major sociopolitical trends. Issues relating to the position of African languages are also alluded to. Finally it is argued that “creeping global monolingualism” can only be countered by large-scale financial investment in large-scale language-policy planning in Africa which may elevate the status of African languages in the different regions.

This paper examines how ethnic, regional, and religious identities are reflected in language use in Senegal (where Wolof is the major lingua franca). I argue that unlike “pure” Wolof, “urban” Wolof is a “convergence language” with no ethnic significance, as more and more “uprooted” members from other ethnic groups regard themselves as Wolof. Firstly, I provide a historical background of the interactions between languages in Senegal. Secondly, I show how ethnic and regional identities are enacted in speakers' language use and attitudes in the country. Finally, I examine how linguistic innovations serve as markers of group membership and religious identity.

Speakers in multilingual societies have access at any given time to a wide range of different languages and language varieties to meet their communicative needs. This access presents them with at least three dilemmas each time they open their mouths: (a) Who am I? (b) How do others perceive me? (c) How would I actually want to be perceived (Kamwangamalu 1992: 33)? A related dilemma, one might add, is (d) what linguistic means one should use to express one's desired identity or identities? This paper looks at how the members of the “Colored” community of Wentworth use language to respond to these challenges in post-apartheid South Africa. More specifically, the paper examines the linguistic mechanisms that the members of this community employ to construct, maintain, manage, negotiate, or renegotiate their social identities. For instance, to what extent do the social meanings and social histories with which languages such as English, Afrikaans, and African languages have become associated determine the members' linguistic choices in a given interaction? And what is the members' attitude toward the various identity-carrying linguistic mechanisms available in their linguistic repertoire?

In Nigeria, English is generally perceived as a dominant language. The dream of “one north” makes Hausa a lingua franca in northern Nigeria, with the potential of annihilating the over 200 indigenous languages spoken in that region. However, the increasing wave of ethnic consciousness as well as the ongoing agitations for the rights of minority languages have raised questions on the continued domination of minority languages by Hausa and English. Using data from a language-use questionnaire among northern and southern minority language speakers, the study shows that Hausa and English are fast replacing minority mother tongues in informal domains and situational contexts which are expected to be dominated by mother tongues.

A new youth language has appeared among teenagers in the Netherlands. The basis of this lingo is Dutch, but this is interlarded with elements derived from immigrant languages. This article examines the social meaning of this language phenomenon. On the one hand, it can be argued that language crossers move to the cultural territory of others out of respect and interest for the people who are associated with it. On the other hand, it can be argued that crossers show no respect for the cultural ownership held by the associated group. Cultural elements associated with another group may even be used to degrade the members of that group. First, I analyze the literal content of the foreign words that are used among teenagers in the Netherlands. Secondly, I infer the social connotation of language crossing from the social relations of the crosser with members of the groups that are associated with the language elements. I use write-in questionnaires completed by a large number of pupils attending schools throughout the Netherlands. Results show that the used words often have a literal meaning that could be understood as offensive, but that words and accents are both generally used with a friendly, social connotation.

Asturian is a Romance language spoken in the territory of the Principality of Asturias (Spain), nowadays in decline due to the strong pressure of Castilian. Although in the last few years some protective and linguistic planning measures have been taken, the Asturian language does not yet enjoy the official status of other Spanish languages such as Catalan, Basque, or Galician since the advent of democracy and the autonomous system in Spain. The Asturian situation is, in fact, paradoxical, since, in spite of sociological studies evincing a general support in society for official status and linguistic normalization this demand is thwarted by the averse attitude of certain political, social, and academic local élites who block, by means of their influence, any advancement in this direction. This article analyzes the historical and sociological keys of linguistic shift in Asturias exemplified by the peculiar situation of Asturian Language Teaching at the University of Oviedo, which has recently been in danger of becoming banned.