9 Elder abuse
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Lorna Montgomery
Abstract
Over the last 20 years, increased public and political awareness has developed alongside research, policy and professional developments to advance our understanding of the abuse of older people in families, communities, hospitals and institutional settings. In 2002, the World Health Organization (WHO) argued that elder abuse was a distinct social problem, defining abuse as ‘a single, repeated act or lack of appropriate action, occurring within any relationship where there is an expectation of trust which caused harm or distress to an older person’ (WHO, 2002). In 2007, the first United Kingdom (UK) prevalence study of elder abuse reported that 4% of older people living in the community were subject to abuse or neglect (O’Keefe et al, 2007). In 2010, a prevalence study of elder abuse in Germany, Greece, Italy, Lithuania, Portugal, Spain and Sweden found that 19.4% of older people aged 60–84 years were exposed to psychological abuse; 2.7% to physical abuse; 0.7% to sexual abuse; and 3.8% to financial abuse (Soares et al, 2010).
Abstract
Over the last 20 years, increased public and political awareness has developed alongside research, policy and professional developments to advance our understanding of the abuse of older people in families, communities, hospitals and institutional settings. In 2002, the World Health Organization (WHO) argued that elder abuse was a distinct social problem, defining abuse as ‘a single, repeated act or lack of appropriate action, occurring within any relationship where there is an expectation of trust which caused harm or distress to an older person’ (WHO, 2002). In 2007, the first United Kingdom (UK) prevalence study of elder abuse reported that 4% of older people living in the community were subject to abuse or neglect (O’Keefe et al, 2007). In 2010, a prevalence study of elder abuse in Germany, Greece, Italy, Lithuania, Portugal, Spain and Sweden found that 19.4% of older people aged 60–84 years were exposed to psychological abuse; 2.7% to physical abuse; 0.7% to sexual abuse; and 3.8% to financial abuse (Soares et al, 2010).
Chapters in this book
- Front Matter i
- Contents vii
- List of figures and tables viii
- Notes on contributors ix
- Acknowledgements xiii
- Preface xv
- Social work and critical gerontology: why the former needs the latter 1
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Critical gerontology as guiding principles for social work with older people
- The lifecourse and old age 19
- Human rights and older people 35
- Agency and autonomy 51
- Poverty and late-life homelessness 66
- Sexuality and rights in later life 81
- Ethnicity, race and migrancy 97
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Applying the critical gerontological lens to social work research, policy and practice
- Assessment, care planning and decision making 115
- Elder abuse 130
- Dementia: a disability and a human rights concern 146
- User involvement 161
- Opportunities and future prospects for gerontological social work with a critical lens 177
- Index 192
Chapters in this book
- Front Matter i
- Contents vii
- List of figures and tables viii
- Notes on contributors ix
- Acknowledgements xiii
- Preface xv
- Social work and critical gerontology: why the former needs the latter 1
-
Critical gerontology as guiding principles for social work with older people
- The lifecourse and old age 19
- Human rights and older people 35
- Agency and autonomy 51
- Poverty and late-life homelessness 66
- Sexuality and rights in later life 81
- Ethnicity, race and migrancy 97
-
Applying the critical gerontological lens to social work research, policy and practice
- Assessment, care planning and decision making 115
- Elder abuse 130
- Dementia: a disability and a human rights concern 146
- User involvement 161
- Opportunities and future prospects for gerontological social work with a critical lens 177
- Index 192
