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9 Social inequality

  • Steffen Mau und Roland Verwiebe
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European societies
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch European societies

Abstract

Scientific discussion about the causes of social inequality date from the writings of Karl Marx (1963 [1852]; Marx and Engels, 1952 [1848]) and Max Weber (1978 [1922]) (see also Section 3.2).1 Both authors traced the unequal distribution of resources and life chances back to structures and processes in the economy. Even more clearly than Weber, Marx espoused in this regard a vertical conception of social inequality, according to which individuals – based on their specific economic situation – can be assigned to distinct social groupings, namely social classes. Both authors founded within the nascent discipline of sociology a tradition of analysing vertical inequalities. This tradition inspired modern theories of class (Dahrendorf, 1959; Giddens, 1973; Featherman and Hauser, 1978; Giddens and Mackenzie, 1982; Erikson and Goldthorpe, 1992;Wright, 1997),2 of social strata (Davis and Moore, 1945; Lenski, 1966; Dahrendorf, 1967; Geiger, 1969) and of social milieus or social capital (Bourdieu, 1984; DiMaggio and Zukin, 1990; DiMaggio, 1997). In these theories, central dimensions of inequalities are power, prestige, education, income and property. In the 1980s, the focus of inequality research switched to non-vertical, horizontal disparities. Age- and gender-specific inequalities became more important, as did inequalities across regions, among household and family forms, or ethnicity. At the same time, realms of inequality beyond labour market-related realms (e.g. poverty and discrimination) came into focus. This development manifested itself in a differentiation of a plethora of theoretical concepts, whereby, for example, analyses of lifestyles gained in importance (e.g. Miles, 2000; Bögenhold, 2001; Trepper and Rouse, 2002; Blyton et al, 2010).

In this context, the current debate on the future development of inequality in modern capitalism is framed by two camps.

Abstract

Scientific discussion about the causes of social inequality date from the writings of Karl Marx (1963 [1852]; Marx and Engels, 1952 [1848]) and Max Weber (1978 [1922]) (see also Section 3.2).1 Both authors traced the unequal distribution of resources and life chances back to structures and processes in the economy. Even more clearly than Weber, Marx espoused in this regard a vertical conception of social inequality, according to which individuals – based on their specific economic situation – can be assigned to distinct social groupings, namely social classes. Both authors founded within the nascent discipline of sociology a tradition of analysing vertical inequalities. This tradition inspired modern theories of class (Dahrendorf, 1959; Giddens, 1973; Featherman and Hauser, 1978; Giddens and Mackenzie, 1982; Erikson and Goldthorpe, 1992;Wright, 1997),2 of social strata (Davis and Moore, 1945; Lenski, 1966; Dahrendorf, 1967; Geiger, 1969) and of social milieus or social capital (Bourdieu, 1984; DiMaggio and Zukin, 1990; DiMaggio, 1997). In these theories, central dimensions of inequalities are power, prestige, education, income and property. In the 1980s, the focus of inequality research switched to non-vertical, horizontal disparities. Age- and gender-specific inequalities became more important, as did inequalities across regions, among household and family forms, or ethnicity. At the same time, realms of inequality beyond labour market-related realms (e.g. poverty and discrimination) came into focus. This development manifested itself in a differentiation of a plethora of theoretical concepts, whereby, for example, analyses of lifestyles gained in importance (e.g. Miles, 2000; Bögenhold, 2001; Trepper and Rouse, 2002; Blyton et al, 2010).

In this context, the current debate on the future development of inequality in modern capitalism is framed by two camps.

Heruntergeladen am 23.9.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.56687/9781447341642-012/html
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