Comparative markedness
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John J McCarthy
Abstract
The markedness constraints of classic Optimality Theory assign violation-marks to output candidates without reference to the input or to other candidates. This article explores an alternative conception of markedness: markedness constraints compare the candidate under evaluation with another candidate, the most faithful one. Comparative constraints distinguish two situations: the candidate under evaluation contains an instance of a marked structure that is also present in the fully faithful candidate; or it contains an instance of a marked structure that is not present in the fully faithful candidate. Empirical consequences of comparative markedness are explored, including grandfather effects, derived environment effects, non-iterating processes, and counter-feeding opacity. Comparative markedness is found to have some advantages and some disadvantages in comparison with classic OT and alternatives like local conjunction, stratal OT, sympathy, and targeted constraints.
© Walter de Gruyter
Articles in the same Issue
- Comparative markedness
- Some real and not-so real consequences of comparative markedness
- Comparative markedness and containment
- Comparative markedness and identity effects in reduplication
- Counterfeeding, derived environment effects, and comparative markedness
- Local conjunction and comparative markedness
- Comparative markedness and derived environments
- Looking through opacity
- What does comparative markedness explain, what should it explain, and how?
Articles in the same Issue
- Comparative markedness
- Some real and not-so real consequences of comparative markedness
- Comparative markedness and containment
- Comparative markedness and identity effects in reduplication
- Counterfeeding, derived environment effects, and comparative markedness
- Local conjunction and comparative markedness
- Comparative markedness and derived environments
- Looking through opacity
- What does comparative markedness explain, what should it explain, and how?
