From screen to soft power: the rising appeal of Turkish TV series in Bangladesh

1 Introduction

The concept of power has shifted from hard power to soft power in the post-Cold War era. Soft power involves influencing others through a country’s cultural and political values instead of military or economic means. This shift in power can be attributed to globalization, changes in international power dynamics, and advancements in communication technology (Nye 1990). Turkey has been recognized for its growing cultural and diplomatic influence worldwide, particularly in Muslim-majority countries (Kraidy and Al Ghazi 2013). Researchers have linked the popularity of Turkish TV drama series to Turkey’s increasing soft power, as they showcase the country’s cultural values and traditions to a global audience (Byrant and Hatay 2013). Scholars suggest that the success of Turkish TV series can be attributed to cultural proximity, which makes it easier for individuals from one culture to understand and relate to another culture (Berg 2017).

Turkey has become one of the leading exporters of television series in the world, second only to the United States. The country has successfully captured the attention of audiences from 146 countries across the globe with more than 150 TV series, entertaining over 700 million viewers across the world, especially in the Middle East, Central Asia, Africa, South Asia, and Latin America. It was projected that Turkey’s TV series exports will generate $1 billion in revenue by 2023, with revenue from TV series exports amounting to $500 million in 2018 alone. Among these, Muhteşem Yüzyıl (The Magnificent Century or Sultan Suleiman), which has been exported to most countries, attracted over 500 million viewers from 70 different countries (Daily News 2019). The popularity of the show in the Middle East led to a surge in Arab tourism to Istanbul, which resulted in Turkey’s minister of culture and tourism waiving the broadcasting fees for certain Arab countries (Bhutto 2019).

Like many other countries, Turkish TV series got quick popularity in Bangladesh, the third largest Muslim-populated country in the world. Hundreds of thousands of people have been glued to their televisions and Internet platforms to watch the Bengali dubbed versions of these dramas in the South Asian country. Analysts contend that the Turkish TV series’ enthusiasm for the Islamic Golden Age and a call to a bygone age might help to influence the Bangladeshi audience (Sharifuzzaman 2020). Despite its distance from the Middle East (the birthplace of Islam), Bangladesh has always been a primarily liberal Muslim culture. However, in the age of new communication technologies, Islamist extremism has taken a new shape recently in the country with a 90 % Muslim population. Studies find that Islamist extremist groups try to recruit new members by focusing on the Golden Age of Islam (Sharma 2023). Scholars also argue that Turkey has been emphasizing delivering Turkish TV series dubbed in vernacular languages to Muslim countries to promote their objective of re-establishing a global Caliphate (Choudhury 2021). However, it is not empirically examined yet. Moreover, it is important to note that political, economic, social, and technical factors may also play a significant role in these phenomena. Through the lenses of soft power and cultural proximity theories, this study aims to understand the reasons for the popularity of Turkish TV series in Bangladesh. It also aims to understand the impact of Turkish TV series in shaping Turkey’s image on Bangladeshi audiences. To do so, this study selects the Bengali dubbed version of The Magnificent Century or Muhteşem Yüzyl or Sultan Suleiman, a series that narrates the events of the Ottoman Empire during Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent’s reign in the 16th century.

This paper is divided into seven sections. After discussing the research problem and significance in the first section, the theories of soft power and cultural proximity are discussed in the second section. The socio-economic and media status of Bangladesh is addressed in the third section. In the next section, the notion of Turkey’s soft power and Bangladesh–Turkey relationship are discussed. After explaining the research methodology in the fifth section, the sixth section is developed based on the research findings where the plot and narrative of Sultan Suleiman are also discussed. The paper ends with a discussion and concluding remarks where the limitations of the study and suggestions for future research are discussed.

2 Theoretical framework

The concept of soft power, first elaborated by political scientist Joseph Nye, elucidates the role of non-coercive instruments such as culture, foreign policy, and politics in achieving state objectives on the international stage (Nye 2004). While ostensibly offering a framework for mutual cultural exchange and influence, the soft power paradigm predominantly reflects Western-centric assumptions. This orientation invites a critical re-examination through the prism of media imperialism, a theoretical construct that interrogates the cultural and media dissemination from powerful to less-powerful nations (Schiller 1976). Media imperialism serves as a useful analytical tool for deconstructing the underpinnings of soft power. Rather than envisioning cultural influence as a benign form of persuasion, media imperialism suggests a more hegemonic operation. It brings to the fore key questions concerning whose cultural artifacts are disseminated globally and whose normative values are rendered as universal templates. Take, for instance, the global ubiquity of American television series; their popularity cannot be simplistically attributed to soft power. Such phenomena also propagate American ideologies and can serve as agents of cultural imperialism, thereby complicating the ostensibly reciprocal nature of soft power (Schiller 1976).

Moreover, the expansion of soft power strategies by nations such as China and Russia, which align economic growth with governance models not rooted in liberal democracy, further underscores the limitations of Nye’s soft power framework (Li 2018). Their approaches unsettle the presumed universality of soft power, compelling us to consider how global power dynamics shape and are shaped by soft power strategies. In this nuanced context, media imperialism calls for a critical reappraisal of the soft power concept. It reveals that soft power is not merely about attraction but also encompasses subtle forms of domination and hegemony. Furthermore, the emergence of alternative soft power models raises pivotal questions about the centrality of Western democratic norms in shaping what qualifies as ‘soft power,’ thereby inviting a more pluralistic and decolonial lens on international relations.

On the other hand, the concept of cultural proximity, articulated by Straubhaar (1991), posits that audiences display a predilection for media content that resonates with their own socio-cultural identities. However, this concept finds its complexity augmented when viewed through the lens of Appadurai’s theory of cultural globalization (1996). Appadurai’s model contends that local cultures are not merely passive recipients in the dynamics of global cultural flows; they exercise agency by actively selecting, adapting, and even repurposing global cultural products. This perspective offers an alternative to the determinism often associated with media imperialism. Unlike the latter, which conceives of cultural exchange as largely unidirectional and hegemonic (Schiller 1976), Appadurai’s framework allows for a more reciprocal interaction. It acknowledges the multiplicity of pathways through which cultural transactions occur, emphasizing that local cultures can be active architects in the global cultural economy.

When applied to specific case studies such as the popularity of Turkish TV series in Bangladesh, the blended approach of cultural proximity and cultural globalization unveils nuanced dynamics. Bangladeshi audiences might gravitate toward Turkish content not solely because of evident cultural or religious similarities but because they discern these series as strategic cultural resources. These resources fulfill unmet local needs, be they religious, ethnic, or otherwise, thereby serving as forms of cultural capital that are otherwise insufficiently offered by local or Western media (Appadurai 1996). Hence, the notion of cultural proximity gains additional layers of complexity through its integration with Appadurai’s model. It comes to encompass not just ‘pull’ factors, where audiences passively assimilate content that appears culturally familiar, but also ‘push’ factors. These ‘push’ factors implicate audiences as active agents who seek out, appropriate, and refashion global cultural texts to suit their localized narratives and requirements.

The relationship between soft power and cultural proximity is more complex than a straightforward equation of attraction and influence. Cultural proximity does not merely act as a receptacle for soft power; rather, it engages in a dialectic relationship, where the push and pull of global cultural flows challenge and reconfigure the traditional boundaries of soft power (Appadurai 1996; Schiller 1976). In international relations, the interplay between these two concepts becomes a negotiation of influence, cultural authority, and power dynamics. Thus, the theoretical confluence between soft power and cultural proximity is embedded within a broader discourse that integrates media imperialism and cultural globalization. Acknowledging this complexity provides a more robust conceptual framework for understanding how nations can wield soft power effectively, without reducing cultural interactions to mere transactions of influence. This offers a more textured approach to analyzing how states like Turkey or cultural phenomena like Turkish TV series can navigate these nuanced landscapes to achieve policy goals and cultural resonance.

3 Socio-economic and media status of Bangladesh

Bangladesh, with over 165 million people living on a landmass of 147,570 square kilometers, is the world’s eighth most populous country and home to about 10 % of the world’s Muslim population (Pew Research Center 2017). The South Asian country is the top contributor of military and police forces to United Nations Peacekeeping Missions (United Nations 2021). According to the 2022 Bangladesh census reports, 91.04 % of the country’s population are Muslims, while 7.95 % are Hindus, 0.63 % are Buddhists, and 0.29 % are Christians. The country has a young population, with 45.9 million people aged 15–29 years, which accounts for 27.82 % of the population. Gender-wise, the population is almost evenly split, with 50.5 % male and 49.5 % female (Prothom Alo 2022). Despite being a disaster-prone country, Bangladesh has recently been upgraded from a least-income country to a lower middle-income country. Its economy was expected to be among the top three fastest-growing economies in the world by 2022 and to become the world’s 24th largest economy by 2036. This is due to its ability to attract significant foreign investments, the rising readymade garments industry, and macroeconomic stability. Moreover, Bangladesh is expected to be the first country in South Asia to eliminate extreme poverty (Chaudhury 2018). In terms of education, Bangladesh’s literacy rate has shown significant growth in recent years, with the rate reaching 74.76 % in 2022, up from 58.6 % in 2014 (Alamgir 2022). In addition, Bangladesh is currently hosting over one million Rohingya Muslim refugees who fled from multiple incidents of ethnic cleansing in Myanmar. These refugees are living in overcrowded and poorly planned refugee camps, which are exposed to various risks, and spread across 34 different locations near the Bangladesh–Myanmar border (Inter Sector Coordination Group 2021).

Before the government allowed the first private television station to go on air in 1997, newspapers were the only source of independent information in Bangladesh. However, the liberalization of the airwaves, the proliferation of mobile phones, and the spread of internet access have dramatically changed the media landscape since then. While the country had only one state-run radio station and one television channel before 1997, it has 35 registered radio stations and 45 authorized TV channels now. Among the TV channels, 27 are now broadcasting, and licenses of two have been withheld (Azad 2018). Besides domestic TV channels, Bangladeshi audiences have been watching satellite channels since 1992. Studies find that satellite television, which made foreign media content available, has substantially impacted audience preferences and behaviors, drawing viewers away from traditional Bangladeshi media which often features outdated programming (Islam 2013; Shamsher and Abdullah 2012). The pervasive influence of foreign content, particularly from India and Western countries, has led to noticeable shifts in language, fashion, and cultural norms among Bangladeshi audiences, posing risks to the preservation of local traditions and societal values (Tunna 2023). Recent incidents further underscore the negative societal impacts of satellite media, as it becomes apparent that local viewers are increasingly dissatisfied with domestic programming, both in terms of content and stylistic presentation.

According to a July 2022 government report, the number of adult internet users in Bangladesh is increasing, with 37.01 % of the population using the internet. Among them, 46.53 % are male and 28.09 % are female (Report 2022). Additionally, the country had 49.55 million social media users at the beginning of 2022, representing 29.7 % of the total population. In September 2022, there were 53.61 million Facebook users, comprising 30.7 % of the entire population, with 67.4 % being male and 32.6 % female (DataReportal 2022). Furthermore, studies find that Bangladeshi youths use social media for various purposes, including organizing movements and citizen journalism (Sharma and Rahaman 2018; 2020; Ullah 2013).

The proliferation of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) has become increasingly widespread, fostering an environment conducive to globalization and media consumption. However, this progress is set against a backdrop of persistent socio-economic disparities and challenges. According to Hussain (2021), income inequality is rampant, with the top 10 % of the population commanding 27 % of the income share, juxtaposed against a mere 21 % for the bottom 40 %. Complementing this statistical disparity is the World Bank’s (2022) assertion that nearly 39.6 million individuals in Bangladesh continue to subsist below the national poverty line. Adding a layer of complexity to this already precarious economic landscape is the paradox of educational attainment and unemployment. While the youth population is increasingly educated, representing 47 % of the populace, unemployment remains an obstinate challenge, disproportionately affecting women who face twice the unemployment rate of men and constitute 7.2 % of those living below the poverty line (Prothom Alo 2022).

In Bangladesh, patriarchy is deeply entrenched in both the private and public spheres. Men exert control over women through a misinterpretation of religious doctrines and through the institutionalization of gender roles within the family (Private Patriarchy). Furthermore, women are marginalized from economic and political power (Public Patriarchy). This dynamic is exacerbated by a capitalistic framework that commodifies women as sexual objects, often through the mediums of advertising, films, and beauty contests (Chowdhury 2009).

The socio-economic factors are intricately interwoven with the religio-cultural fabric of the nation. Religion serves as an omnipresent force, molding various facets of Bangladeshi culture and often superseding national identification in individual and collective consciousness (Hossain 2015). Established as a secular state in 1971, Bangladesh has witnessed an ascendancy of conservative Islamic ideologies in both its political and societal spheres (Islam 2018). This ideological shift has been accompanied by an exacerbation in religious and ethnic hostilities. Recent reports highlight that over 3600 attacks have been inflicted on the Hindu minority since 2013, causing a decline in their population from 13.5 % four decades ago to a current 8.5 % (DW 2021). These attacks are frequently orchestrated by Islamist fundamentalists purportedly safeguarding Islamic principles.

The prominence of religion, especially Islam, acts as a dual-edged sword in Bangladesh’s socio-political landscape. While religious heritage forms an essential aspect of collective identity and fosters a cultural tradition of tolerance, it also lends itself to the rise of conservative Islamic ideologies. The evolving role of Islam as a political force since 1975 has created an environment wherein religious principles are co-opted for political ends (Riaz 2012). This Islamization, born out of a crisis of legitimacy among military rulers and furthered by political parties, has ramifications beyond the religious domain. It impacts the treatment of religious minorities and traditional practices, including the dowry system, which is increasingly becoming a tool for capital accumulation (Kabeer 2005).

4 Turkey’s soft power and Bangladesh–Turkey relationship

The notion of soft power was initially introduced to higher echelons of Turkish politics in the mid-2000s. Since Turkey’s foreign policy involvement began in the erstwhile Ottoman hinterlands of the Balkans and the Middle East (Ongur 2015), the country’s interest and engagement in the region shaped its soft power discussions (Altunsk 2008; Baskovic et al. 2015). Studies find that along with Turkey’s rising economy, Turkish Airlines’ development of air transport routes has aided Turkey’s soft power strategy (Ozkan 2010; Selcuk 2013). Kalin, a former adviser to prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was one of the first public personalities to bring soft power to the Turkish foreign policy lexicon. Relating soft power to Turkey’s Ottoman legacy and portrays it from an Islamic perspective, Kalin argues:

Turkey has soft power in its own unique way. This power stretches from the Balkans to Central Asia. Turkey’s soft power in these regions do not come from its military superiority but from its historical and cultural depth. The Ottoman Empire was present in the 500-year experience of a unified Muslim nation in the Balkans. The deep marks left by the Ottoman Empire is a reflection of its soft power (quoted Cevik 2019: 58).

Neo-Ottomanism is a vision of growing Turkish influence based on the previous Ottoman Empire and the necessity to propagate proven expertise from that era. Neo-Ottomanism foreign policy expressions call for more profound interconnectedness between the individual areas and Turkey, particularly in light of Turkey’s expanding regional ambitions and influence (Tomeckova 2020).

Drama series have been a popular television format in Turkey for several decades, but they have lately been progressively exported with tremendous success. These shows have also made significant news all across the world. Turkish TV series, according to the leaders of Turkey, Pakistan, and Malaysia, is a viable alternative to worldwide Islamophobia, a method to display and laud excellent Islamic values rather than the usual religious fanatics’ views promoted by Western media. To bolster his right-wing constituency, then Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan suggested that all Pakistanis should watch Dirilis: Ertugrul to learn “Islamic values” and “culture” (Banka 2020). Fearing Turkish influence and the immense popularity of the Ottoman Conquerors, Egypt and Saudi Arabia banned Turkish shows from running on government-run national networks (Mohydin 2020). In 2019, a Mexican couple who converted to Islam as a result of Dirilis: Ertugrul made international news and got heartfelt greetings from Muslims all around the world, indicating a gradual but conservative solid change in the Muslim world (Yeni Şafak 2019). Scholars argues it may be the Muslim world’s quiet protest against Islamophobia, or it could simply be a desire “to see brown people on TV who are depicted positively and are proud of their culture” (Sharifuzzaman 2020).

The success of Turkish TV series is attributed to a variety of factors, including compelling storylines, cultural relatability, excellent production quality, and well-crafted casting. Moreover, Turkish TV series have been dubbed or subtitled into many languages to reach wider audiences making them accessible and appealing to audiences from different cultural backgrounds. These shows have helped promote a positive image of Turkey to the world. This has contributed to a rise in Turkish soft power, with the popularity of these shows also creating a demand for Turkish tourist destinations. As a result, there has been an increase in the number of tourists visiting Turkey, which has had a positive impact on the country’s economy. The Turkish TV series have also had an impact on the country’s furniture industry, resulting in increased exports to 179 countries, with revenue reaching $3.14 billion in 2018, up from $2.76 billion in 2017 (Daily Sabah 2019).

Bangladesh shared a brief history with Turkey when Islam was on its way to becoming the region’s dominant religion. Military victories in the far eastern areas of India, primarily Bengal, were headed by Turkish military leader Ikhtiyar al-Din Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khilji. The Turkish invasion of Bangladesh brought with it a massive Turkish Sufi Islamic culture that has remained prominent in Bangladeshi Muslim society. Moreover, the Muslims of South Asia, including the Bengalis, supported the Turkish National Struggle in the early 20th century. This support is reflected in the epic poem “Kamal Pasha,” written by Kazi Nazrul Islam, the national poet of Bangladesh, in 1921. This poem is still taught in schools in Bangladesh. In addition, two major avenues in Dhaka and Chittagong are named after Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Turkey. Furthermore, a high school in Dagan Bhuiyan, in Feni, and a Turkish language center in Dhaka Cantonment are named after Atatürk (Türkiye–Bangladesh Relations n. d.).

Turkey has taken several soft power policies in Bangladesh. The country has provided scholarships to thousands of Bangladeshi students and has been Bangladesh’s principal sponsor in supporting the Rohingya refugees’ ever-increasing expenditures. Turkish non-governmental organizations actively engage with Bangladeshi non-governmental organizations to assist Rohingya refugees (Anas 2022).

The ubiquity of Turkish TV series in Bangladesh, starting with the massive success of Sultan Suleiman, has generated both enthusiasm and trepidation within the cultural and intellectual landscape of the country. These Turkish shows, often historical in nature, have found an ardent following among young Bangladeshis, not only on traditional broadcast platforms but also through digital avenues. Subtitled versions in Bengali or even Urdu-dubbed episodes cater to an audience whose native language has not yet seen a full-scale adaptation of these series. However, this phenomenon invites a more nuanced scrutiny. On the surface, the Turkish series serve as an alternative narrative, subtly aligned with Islamic heritage and values, which many in Bangladesh find appealing (Anas 2022). This creates a robust pathway for Turkish soft power to pervade Bangladeshi households. Yet, some critics argue that this pervasive influence is not unequivocally positive. Concerns have been raised about potential cultural repercussions, as Turkish TV series might diminish local creative industries by outcompeting local content (AFP 2016). This introduces the risk of undermining the sustainability and integrity of the domestic drama sector. Moreover, the cultural implications extend into the realm of social ethics and norms. Claims have been made by actors and directors in Bangladesh that the themes of these Turkish series could encourage divorce and extramarital affairs (AFP 2016). The narrative, often weaving intricate plots around marital discord or romantic endeavors, may deviate from traditional Bangladeshi societal mores.

Economically, Turkish influence is also palpable in the Bangladeshi fashion industry. The styling and costumes seen in these series are increasingly being adopted by the local populace, thereby influencing fashion trends in Bangladesh (Anas 2022). Furthermore, the soft power effect has even percolated into the technological realm, with Turkish messaging software BiP gaining traction in Bangladesh after privacy concerns arose regarding WhatsApp (Anadolu Ajansi 2021).

The potential political impact of the proliferation of Turkish TV series in Bangladesh warrants careful attention. The series, often imbued with Ottoman nostalgia and Islamic motifs, might contribute to a reorientation of political sentiments among the Bangladeshi populace. As they resonate with Islamic values and historical contexts, they could inadvertently facilitate a more pro-Turkish stance in international politics or even a more Islamist orientation domestically (Çevik 2019; Sharifuzzaman 2020). Such shifts may have concrete diplomatic outcomes, impacting Bangladesh’s relationship not just with Turkey but also with other countries where Turkey has vested interests or disputes. Furthermore, if Turkish soft power effectively sways public opinion, it could alter the dynamics of Bangladeshi internal politics, potentially favoring parties or movements that align more closely with Turkish foreign policy objectives or ideological underpinnings. This is especially pertinent given the global backdrop of rising populism and right-wing movements, where the ‘soft power’ of media can rapidly translate into ‘hard’ political changes (Nye 2004). As such, the broad appeal of Turkish TV series could extend beyond cultural or social realms, subtly influencing the political landscape in a way that necessitates ongoing scholarly scrutiny.

This multi-dimensional impact brings to the fore a critical point: the popularity of Turkish series may not solely represent a conservative Muslim public nostalgic for the past, but also may signify a nuanced shift toward a more right-wing ideological stance in a globalized world (Sharifuzzaman 2020). The role of Turkish series in subtly shaping public opinion and fostering a political environment that might be more amenable to right-wing politics cannot be discounted. It invites a broader discourse on the long-term implications of the soft power emanating from Turkey, and its complex interplay with cultural, economic, and political spheres in Bangladesh. However, although several studies have been done on Turkish soft power in the Middle East region, no empirical research has yet been done in Bangladesh. This study will address this study gap. It will help us to understand the role of TV series made by non-Western countries as soft power. Against this backdrop, this study is guided by the following research questions:

5 Methodology

The research methodology adopted for this inquiry is qualitative in nature, focusing specifically on narrative analysis. This methodological choice is especially pertinent given the study’s objective to investigate narratives as mechanisms of persuasion (Fisher 1984). In the context of an increasingly politicized global landscape, where audiences are fragmented along ideological and socioeconomic fault lines, narrative analysis serves as a lens through which to assess the rhetorical fidelity of narratives, thereby allowing nuanced insights into specific audience types and their relationships with the storyteller (Rowland 1989).

This study analyzes the Bangladeshi audience’s public posts and comments shared on Facebook and YouTube related to the Bengali dubbed version of The Magnificent Century or Sultan Suleiman. Posts and comments shared from November 2015 to March 2022 are considered for analysis in this study. The drama serial started airing in Bangladesh on November 18, 2015, and March 2022 was the data collection period of this study. Facebook and YouTube were selected because these are the most popular social media platforms in Bangladesh where users interact frequently with texts, photos, and videos (Azad 2018). Moreover, these platforms have become powerful tools for organizing movements, shaping public opinion, and raising awareness of social issues (Sharma 2014).

Among the diverse qualitative methodologies available – including grounded theory, ethnography, and phenomenology – narrative analysis is selected for its effectiveness in scrutinizing the persuasive elements within narrative structures. Narrative analysis, unlike other methodologies that prioritize structural or contextual elements, emphasizes the inherently storied nature of human communication, making it highly appropriate for analyzing media content and audience reception (Riessman 2008). In the era of social media, audiences function as “prosumers,” capable of both consuming and producing content (Ritzer and Jurgenson 2010). This methodological orientation aligns closely with the study’s aim to understand the perceptions and influences exerted by Turkish TV series among Bangladeshi audiences. This approach is especially pertinent given the series’ function as instruments of soft power, with implications for cultural and potentially political relationships between Turkey and Bangladesh.

Many Bengali videos and articles on Sultan Suleiman are available on Facebook and YouTube where thousands of public comments have been made. I have used the “search” feature of these platforms to find relevant content and comments. Social media comments are helpful since people often write their thoughts freely in this naturalistic environment. Moreover, these comments affect other social media users’ perceptions.

The collected data were translated into English and analyzed using an inductive analysis approach, which allows themes to emerge from the data. After becoming familiar with the data through repeated readings and immersion in the material, initial codes were generated. Secondly, similar codes were grouped together into categories to identify overarching patterns and themes within the data. Finally, after reviewing and refining themes, the final themes were defined and named to capture the essence of the data.

In selecting the research methodology for this study, it is pertinent to acknowledge certain limitations inherent in the data collection process. Specifically, the study relies solely on publicly available posts and comments from Facebook and YouTube. While these sources provide valuable insights, they may not fully capture the diversity of opinions and attitudes of Bangladeshi audiences towards Turkish TV series. Given that audiences are fragmented along various ideological, social, and economic dimensions, it is important to consider that the current data set might not be entirely representative. To enrich the comprehensiveness of future research endeavors, scholars might consider expanding the scope of data collection to include other social media platforms and/or conduct in-depth interviews with Bangladeshi viewers. Such an expansion in methodological rigor would enable a more nuanced understanding of the impact and reception of Turkish TV series among Bangladeshi audiences. Therefore, the present study should be viewed as an exploratory investigation, with these constraints in mind.

6 Results

Turkish TV series have gained popularity within a very short time in Bangladesh. Besides talking about the series in person with friends and family, people share their appreciation, opinion, and review on social media. Many Facebook groups and pages and YouTube channels have also been created by Bangladeshi online users on Turkish TV series. It all started with the Bengali dubbed version of Sultan Suleiman airing on TV. Employing a narrative analysis approach, this study delves into the complex interplay of text, discourse, and context to understand the multi-layered consumption of Turkish dramas like Sultan Suleiman in Bangladesh. Nye’s theory of soft power (2004) offers an interpretive framework for decoding how these narratives shape and are shaped by broader sociopolitical meanings.

7 Discussion and conclusion

The ascendancy of Turkish television series in Bangladesh provides a paradigmatic case study to examine the nexus between media products and international relations, encapsulated within the theoretical scaffolds of soft power (Nye 1990) and cultural proximity theory (Straubhaar 1991). Employing a multi-disciplinary framework that coalesces media studies, international relations, and cultural theory, this research endeavors to explore the role of televisual media as a potent soft power tool.

The data extracted from the study delineate a pronounced lacuna in the quality of local entertainment content within the Bangladesh media ecosystem. This vacuum creates a propitious environment for the ingress of Turkish cultural products, specifically television series, into the Bangladeshi market. In light of Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical construct of “cultural capital” (Bourdieu 1986), these Turkish series can be understood as forms of non-material wealth that wield significant influence and power. They act as high-value cultural commodities that not only fill the entertainment void but also confer upon themselves a heightened form of symbolic currency. The preeminence of Turkish series is not merely a function of their high production values and intricate narratives but is also a manifestation of their strategic soft power reach (Nye 2004). These series adroitly tap into the unfulfilled local demand for quality content, effectively transforming it into a domain of Turkish cultural hegemony. In doing so, they extend beyond being mere entertainment artifacts and assume a role as instruments of soft power that nurture and perpetuate Turkey’s geopolitical and cultural influence. Significantly, the soft power calculus is further amplified by the Turkish series’ capability to forge cultural resonances within the Bangladeshi audience. They do so through the meticulous portrayal of Islamic history and by foregrounding shared cultural paradigms like patriarchy. This resonance aligns neatly with Straubhaar’s concept of “cultural proximity” (Straubhaar 1991), effectively constructing a compelling counter-narrative to the omnipresent Western media hegemony. The series enable Bangladeshi audiences to see their own cultural, historical, and religious narratives reflected back at them, which dovetails with Stuart Hall’s theories on representation and identity (Hall 1997). Thus, these series transcend their role as mere conduits of entertainment and assume a critical function in the negotiation of cultural identities and international relations, providing a multi-layered counterpoint to existing Western-centric paradigms.

The televisual narratives crafted within Turkish television series serve a multifaceted purpose that extends beyond entertainment. Importantly, they function as sites of strategic geopolitical articulation, particularly in shaping the perception of modern Turkey and its leadership. A case in point is the way President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is implicitly paralleled through the nostalgic depiction of historic Ottoman figures like Sultan Suleiman. Such portrayals harmonize with Erdogan’s vision of a ‘neo-Ottoman’ Turkey, a geopolitical orientation aimed at reviving Turkey’s past imperial influence (Financial Times 2020). This phenomenon can be conceptualized as a form of ‘narrative diplomacy,’ a term which posits that storytelling and narrative strategies can serve as instruments for statecraft and international influence (Zhang and Shaw 2023). This notion is particularly intriguing when considered in conjunction with the concept of cultural proximity, as articulated by Straubhaar (1991). The Turkish series, through their intricate storytelling, resonate deeply with Bangladeshi audiences by virtue of shared cultural and religious symbols. In doing so, they mold the audience’s attitudes and perceptions not just towards the show’s characters but also towards contemporary Turkish geopolitics. The empirical evidence garnered from this study firmly corroborates the potency of Turkish television series as vehicles of soft power in Bangladesh. It is clear that these cultural artifacts are not mere passive receptacles of entertainment; they are, instead, active agents that participate in the construction and dissemination of geopolitical ideologies. By employing a dual analytical lens that integrates both cultural proximity and narrative analysis, this research accentuates the symbiotic interdependencies between televisual media, collective memory, and international relations. Thus, the narratives encoded in these series construct a complex web of relationships, knitting together the cultural, the political, and the international in a seamless matrix of influence and power. The intricate interplay between these diverse realms thus mandates an ongoing multidisciplinary scholarly scrutiny, involving not only media studies but also political science, sociology, and international relations.

In light of the comprehensive narrative analysis presented, this study, albeit with limitations such as the absence of primary data through interviews or focus group discussions, offers critical insights into the dynamics of soft power as wielded by Turkish TV series in Bangladesh. As the multifaceted impact of these series warrants nuanced scrutiny, future research endeavors could delve into more contentious aspects. For instance, scholarly inquiries could explore how the burgeoning popularity of these Turkish narratives intersects with burgeoning Islamist extremism in Bangladesh. Concurrently, comparative analyses with other avenues of soft power could illuminate their relative efficacies in shaping sociopolitical landscapes.

In conclusion, the present study stands as both validation and critique, affirming the role of Turkish television series as multi-faceted vectors of geopolitical influence while also challenging reductionist understandings of soft power and cultural exchange. It adds theoretical rigor to the burgeoning academic discourse on the intersections between culture, media, and geopolitics, particularly in the context of the Global South. Through an interdisciplinary and theoretically robust framework, the study thus sets the stage for further scholarly inquiry into the complex relations between media narratives, cultural identities, and international alignments.