Abstract
Society is experiencing a global shift in which older people now outnumber children five years and younger in many countries. This demographic aging has profound implications for library and information professionals, and yet research into the information needs of older adults – especially from diverse backgrounds – remains underdeveloped. This study seeks to help address this gap by studying the aging-related information needs and barriers of LGBT+ older adults. Interviews with 25 LGBT+ older adults in East Tennessee were analyzed using thematic analysis to identify five need (e.g., culturally competent care, LGBT+ specific services, social support, planning, and caregiver services) and seven barrier (e.g., stigma, discrimination, fewer personal resources, identity concealment, staff limitations, personality, ageism and elder abuse) themes. Beyond the aging focus, the study brings attention to the need for more research on intersectional populations in general and offers one of the first – perhaps only – studies of the information needs of LGBT+ older adults. It also presents a challenge to librarians and other information professionals in considering how to fight inequities for intersectional populations. Future research will consider how to meet needs and address the barriers LGBT+ older adults face.
1 Introduction
In light of older adults becoming the fastest growing demographic in the United States and in many countries around the world, Noah Lenstra (2016, p. 2) has noted that “the information society is also an aging society.” However, information-related needs and barriers around aging are not uniform; some groups, such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender plus (LGBT+) older adults, have unique information needs in comparison to non-LGBT+ older adults and often face different barriers in getting those needs met (Johnston 2019). But despite increasing recognition of the importance that library and information science (LIS) professionals have for diverse populations (Cooke 2016), few studies in LIS have yet to explore what information needs and barriers LGBT+ people expect to have as they age and what LIS professionals can do to serve this population (Kleiman 2024; Winberry 2023). This study seeks to fill these population and practical knowledge gaps in the literature by exploring needs and barriers to aging-related information with LGBT+ older adults (Miles 2017). It does so by engaging with LGBT+ older adults in the Southeast US – an area recognized as historically hostile to the LGBT+ community in comparison to the West Coast or northeast areas of the country (Barth 2019). Engaging with LGBT+ older adults in this section of the country is important because they are likely to face the greatest degree of marginalization in getting their information needs met.
2 Framing
Information needs are a foundational topic of information research with a history dating back more than a century (Poole 1985). Information needs have been referred to in the literature as both a conscious as well as unconscious phenomenon. For instance, Robert Taylor (1968) noted an information need often exists without the person yet recognizing the need. In this study, an information need refers to the realization that information is necessary to solve a problem (Case and Given 2016).
Conscious information needs appear in various ways in both LGBT+ and older adult LIS studies. Among LGBT+ focused studies, the point of coming to the conscious need of information is seen in reference to people recognizing their sexuality and needing information on the coming out process (Creelman and Harris 1990; Hamer 2003; Huttunen, Hiroven, and Kähkönen 2020; Mehra and Braquet 2006; Stenback and Schrader 1999). Coming out refers to the decision and ongoing process of LGBT+ older adults being open about their identities as gender and sexual minorities (Johnston 2019). People in long-term care facilities often come to consciously understand their needs in relation to their age such as the need for information on how to maintain their physical and mental stamina (Asla 2013; Mansour 2021; Williamson and Asla 2017).
In this study, information marginalization refers to the systemic barriers that prevent a population from obtaining the information necessary for meeting a need (Gibson and Martin 2019). Some of what is now called information marginalization was once called information poverty. Chatman’s (1987) initial work on information poverty argued that people who were informationally poor were likely to be economically poor as well. This view was continued into the next decade by Chatman and other researchers (Chatman and Pendleton 1995; Solomon 1997). Eventually, Chatman’s views on information poverty evolved beyond a connection to economic poverty and towards a realization that some people may purposely avoid information to protect themselves (Chatman 1999). Despite discovering additional reasons as to why people may be information poor, such as self-protection, much of the subsequent research, Gibson and Martin (2019) argue, continued to place the responsibility of information poverty at the feet of individuals rather than at that of the systems that made information poverty more likely.
In reviewing the literature, I adopt Gibson and Martin’s (2019) reconceptualization of information marginalization over information poverty and seek to ascertain what factors might increase aging services information marginalization among LGBT+ older adults. The term “information marginalization” need not be used to denote instances where people lack information for reasons of marginalization. For instance, in the LIS literature, there are numerous examples of LGBT+ populations going without information because of fears around someone learning of their identity or because systems have erased them as a population who needs specific information without referring to these instances as examples of information poverty or marginalization (Chapman 2013, 2014; Downey, Antell, and Strothmann 2013; Mathson and Hancks 2007; Stewart and Kendrick 2019). Similarly, there has been research that indicates how systemic issues such as ageism (i.e., feeling and acting differently towards older people because of their advanced age) (Applewhite 2019) may keep older people from getting useful information (Asla, Williamson, and Mills 2006; Barrie et al. 2021; Lenstra 2017). This study will focus on two elements of Gibson and Martin’s (2019) information marginalization theory: needs and barriers. While research on the aging-related information needs and barriers of LGBT+ older adults is miniscule in LIS, an implicit discussion of these concepts can be found in other fields – and explicit LGBT+ older adult research – such as social work, public health, and nursing (Fredriksen-Goldsen and Muraco 2010; Winberry 2023).
Elements of information marginalization theory and results of the literature review inform the creation of the following research questions:
RQ1:
What are the aging-related information needs of LGBT+ older adults?
RQ2:
What factors do LGBT+ older adults see as contributing to their population’s aging-related information barriers?
3 Methods
Extracted from the author’s dissertation (Winberry 2023), this study answers its research questions by conducting thematic analysis of anonymized interviews with 25 LGBT+ people 50 years and older in East Tennessee. As Jones et al. (1992, 227–28) remind, “the first step in any attempt to help elderly people cope with the myriad demands of later life is to find out what they perceive their needs to be.” Because older LGBT+ people are the experts of their own experiences and challenges, getting their input through direct conversation leads to a better understanding of the specific needs of this population; interviews are a formal channel for obtaining this understanding (Knapik 2006). While 25 LGBT+ older adults are not necessarily representative of all the views of their population, research suggests that 25 is more than a large enough sample from which to obtain a saturation of unique responses to the questions raised (Hennink, Kaiser, and Marconi 2017). Thematic analysis is useful for analyzing qualitative data to identify themes for organizing and understanding the data (Braun and Clarke 2006). It is often used when conducting qualitative analysis around the needs of LGBT+ older adults (Dube et al. 2022; Grassau et al. 2021; Waling et al. 2020; Willis, Raithby, and Maegusuku-Hewett 2018). It is specifically useful in this study because the information needs and marginalization of LGBT+ older people are understudied, and this method can help identify themes that can be studied further and built on in future research (Terry et al. 2017).
4 Findings: Information Needs
To answer RQ1, interviewees were asked about the needs they expected to experience as they got older. In conducting thematic analysis of those needs, 138 initial need codes were identified which were ultimately consolidated into 20 initial groups or sub needs and five final themes or needs. Table 1 outlines the percentage (and numbers) of initial need codes which belong to each sub and final theme.
Participants’ aging services information needs.
| Need | Sub need | Sub need percentage (number) | Need percentage (number) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Culturally competent care | Affirming necessities | 17 % (N = 23) | 46 % (N = 63) |
| Affirming long term housing | 9 % (N = 13) | ||
| Affirming medical care | 9 % (N = 12) | ||
| Affirming advocates | 6 % (N = 8) | ||
| Affirming mental health care | 5 % (N = 7) | ||
| LGBT+ specific services | LGBT+ only aging organization | 9 % (N = 12) | 23 % (N = 31) |
| LGBT+ only retirement community | 8 % (N = 11) | ||
| LGBT+ only information and socialization club | 6 % (N = 8) | ||
| Social support | Loneliness reduction | 9 % (N = 13) | 19 % (N = 26) |
| Support networks | 7 % (N = 9) | ||
| Community Building spaces |
3 % (N = 4) | ||
| Planning | Legal planning | 5 % (N = 7) | 10 % (N = 14) |
| Care planning | 4 % (N = 6) | ||
| Financial planning | 1 % (N = 1) | ||
| Caregiver services | Care for a partner and straight grandchild | 1 % (N = 1) | 4 % (N = 4) |
| Care for a straight parent | 1 % (N = 1) | ||
| Care for a LGBT+ partner | 1 % (N = 1) | ||
| LGBT+ caregivers engaging with other LGBT+ caregivers | 1 % (N = 1) | ||
| Totals | 102 %a (N = 138) | ||
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aPercentages slightly off due to rounding and 1 % minimum.
4.1 Culturally Competent Care
Culturally competent care denotes service providers being prepared to assist people from different backgrounds (Gendron et al. 2013). Many of the study’s LGBT+ participants did not necessarily see the need for LGBT+ exclusive services, but also felt that general providers could not just assume that LGBT+ people would be comfortable using their services. Culturally competent care was represented in 63 of the initial codes split across five sub-themes.
4.1.1 Affirming Necessities
Affirming necessities speaks to the fact that in order to thrive, there are things everyone – regardless of sexual or gender identity – requires such as access to resources such as food, transportation, legal services, and social opportunities (Pantazis, Gordon, and Townsend 2006). The belief in the importance of affirming necessities was represented in these and other ways by interview participants. Quincy, for instance, in comparing the needs of LGBT+ people to non-LGBT people, said, “Well, I think it’s pretty much the same as straight older people, because there are times when you need somebody to drive you to the doctor.” Similarly, Ulysses opined, “I might need rides to the doctor. I might need help getting groceries. Those sorts of things. But whether that’s different, I’m not buying gay groceries; I am just buying groceries.” But despite recognizing that many of these necessities are not that different between LGBT+ and non-LGBT+ older people, participants also shared that just because there are similarities doesn’t mean that the needs are equally met. While aging services providers such as the local office on aging often do have resources to meet necessities such as food programs, transportation, and senior centers, equitable affirmation is essential for LGBT+ older people to fully be able to benefit from them.
4.1.2 Affirming Long Term Housing
Long term housing is an umbrella term meant to represent the full housing continuum from independent housing (such as subsidized public housing or private residences) to long term care facilities which include independent living units, as well as assisted living and nursing homes (White and Gendron 2016). Housing is a complex subject which elicited varied responses from participants. At the core, though, of the participants’ housing needs was the desire to feel supported by the institutions who would treat them, whether that be in their own home or in a facility. Chester confided that: “When I look at nursing homes, you know there’s nothing about whether they’re going to tolerate gays or pick on gays or harass gays or not, so I would say housing, gay affirming or accepting housing would be an area that I have not seen much on.”
More information is needed on whether or not mainstream housing options can competently meet the needs of LGBT+ older adults in particular.
4.1.3 Affirming Medical Care
Affirming medical care refers to any non-mental health related health care, a distinction that is less about the actual differences between these two forms of health needs (Malla, Joober, and Garcia 2015) and more about how many interviewees talked about physical care in contrast to mental care. Numerous participants discussed the importance of having a supportive primary care physician. Abraham revealed that he had been outed to his doctor years ago but that despite the topic of his sexuality being “opened up for me in a bad way, it’s been beneficial” in getting him information related to sexual health.
4.1.4 Affirming Advocates
Affirming advocates were discussed as being those with various titles such as social workers, case managers, or personal care aides who work to help an older adult receive the varied assistance they require (Portz et al. 2014). “I think we need more healthcare navigators,” Eleanor described, “people that can help people find resources… [They can find] very helpful resources for older people. LGBT older people.” Some participants, such as Theodore, felt that there was a lack of supportive advocates in general: “There are not enough social workers to help people in crisis. [My husband] and I have been together forty-seven years. For us if one of was to be gone, we would need help with all kinds of things. We’d need help with our chickens.”
A lack of supportive advocates means a variety of complex problems come home to roost.
4.1.5 Affirming Mental Health Care
Affirming mental health care refers to counselors or therapists as well as any other mental health related service providers capable and willing to meet the needs of this specific population (Israel et al. 2008). Rutherford reported that having access to mental health help might not be enough: “We can tend to isolate ourselves more in mental health issues… mental health professionals don’t have a lot of information on aging populations and even less on LGBTQ aging.” Mental healthcare was often discussed by participants as being separate from medical care which they saw more as fixing physical problems. The continued discussion of this as separate but equally important to the overall health of LGBT+ older adults made it clear that it should be listed separately as to warrant its own attention.
4.2 LGBT+ Specific Services
LGBT+ specific services are resources available exclusively to older sexual and gender minorities (Averett, Yoon, and Jenkins 2011). This group, the second largest, had 26 codes split across three sub-themes.
4.2.1 LGBT+ Only Aging Organization
LGBT+ only aging organizations are those such as SAGE (Services & Advocacy for GLBT Elders) (Kling and Kimmel 2006) that seek to meet the specific needs of LGBT+ older adults around health and social wellbeing. While many participants were fine with inclusive services, several noted the value of LGBT+ only services. Abigail stated that:
It would be great if there was a way to you know kind of corral the services that are [LGBT+] specifically. It’s such a nebulous term to say that it’s LGBTQ affirming or whatever, or they work with [LGBT+ people] just because, they say that they’ve worked with that that group before or a lot doesn’t mean that they’re not going to try and tell you you’re going to hell, and you, your problems are because of the way you live.
This desire for LGBT+ only related services translated to other areas as well, such as housing.
4.2.2 LGBT+ Only Retirement Community
LGBT+ only retirement community refers to various forms of housing (e.g., independent living, assisted living, nursing home, etc.) that are developed to meet the needs of LGBT+ older people in particular (Ross 2016). “My mom went into assisted living, and it was just extremely hetero, extremely backward, and extremely religious even though my mom was agnostic herself,” Zachary recounted. There might be numerous reasons as to why LGBT+ older people would enjoy living with a mostly LGBT+ population as they age.
4.2.3 LGBT+ Only Information and Socialization Club
Several participants also mentioned the need for information specific to the needs of LGBT+ older adults but suggested that it should be paired with socialization like a sports league or a meeting with information so it is not only about the information itself but about the social aspects of information receiving and sharing (Harley, Gassaway, and Dunkley 2016). In describing his vacation in a popular gay beach community, James remembered that “Older people prefer to come to a meeting and discuss current events and important information that’s going on. It’s extremely beneficial because you can access any kind of information… that keeps people involved.”
4.3 Social Support
Social support is “the presence of emotional, practical, financial, and social guidance from a network of friends, family co-workers, among others” (Masini and Barrett 2008, 93). Sometimes people can’t necessarily take on a caregiver role, but they do add support to the life of older LGBT+ people. There were 26 initial codes split between three sub-themes.
4.3.1 Reducing Isolation
Isolation, “the objective absence of meaningful and sustained connections with other people,” is a common challenge for older adults (Perone, Ingersoll-Dayton, and Watkins-Dukhie 2020, 126). Whether seeking a romantic partner or just a friend, increased social support can help reduce loneliness among older LGBT+ people. Some participants thought about isolation in relation to their future selves: “I don’t know what is going to be important to me 15–20 years from now,” Ulysses shared, “but I think a sense of community of knowing people… those kinds of social interactions events and things are important.” Building support networks may help minimize isolation even for the most vulnerable of LGBT+ older people.
4.3.2 Building Sustainable LGBT+ Support Networks
Social support also creates the opportunity to build sustainable LGBT+ support networks among others in the community (Pereira and Silva 2021). Generational diversity in these networks is essential. Dolley describes the problems with only depending on others who are your age: “When my wife, my mom, and I got COVID in June, like we were all sick and we were all who can we turn to right who is there, and so it just kind of like opened our eyes to my God who will be there when we get older?”
Ensuring sustainability of these networks through intergenerational ties also gives younger LGBT+ people a connection to the history of the community and to individuals with whom special relationships may be built across generational differences, which is also where community building spaces come in.
4.3.3 Community Building Spaces
Places like affirming churches or online groups can serve as community building spaces where there may not be direct services but LGBT+ older adults can build relationships with one another and other community members (Goh 2018; Gray 2018). “More open churches would be wonderful,” Rosalynn dreamed. “They become family, and they do not even look at your sexual orientation. My wife… she stayed home yesterday, and everyone was like “Where is [Rosalynn’s wife]”? Just like if I was married to Joe Bob. Where’s Joe Bob? I don’t feel any different, alienation or anything.” Community building spaces exist beyond the dichotomy of LGBT+ affirming exclusive spaces.
4.4 Planning
Planning refers to preparing for the future. Planning can be difficult when LGBT+ people face various challenges in their day-to-day lives but is important for their future. Planning needs were represented by 14 initial codes across three sub-themes.
4.4.1 Legal Planning
Legal planning focuses on the steps that LGBT+ people can take to protect themselves and their married or unmarried partners through powers of attorney, wills, and other legal documents. Thomas remarked that “I don’t need anything, but I would if something happens to [Thomas’ husband]. I mean we got our wills and everything but I’m going to need someone to execute it.” Shifting political winds in the country might make what was routine into the extreme so legal planning has special benefit for LGBT+ older people living in communities hostile to their rights.
4.4.2 Care Planning
Care planning refers to the planning people do for their own wellbeing as they age. While social support is an important goal to hope and work towards, it is not guaranteed. Chester rattled off a list of precautionary steps he is taking ahead of getting much older: “Well, I spent the last year and a half, trying to get my house handicapped accessible, based on the assumption that if I live long enough, I need to have a ramp and I didn’t have one, and doors that are wheelchair accessible and I need to have a shower you can get in.”
Caring for oneself is not, however, purely about the ability to care. One has to be able to afford to care.
4.4.3 Financial Planning
Financial planning is the financial decisions that need to be made as one gets older in order to maximize the financial resources available for personal care. Only one participant, Thomas, made specific mention of financial planning in the form of tax choices: “I mean for the longest time [Thomas’ husband], and I, he would file separately and even after we got married we still filed separately for a while to leave figured out, it would be cheaper I guess. And when we were both still working at first it was safer for us to file separately, but then for a while he finally figured out somehow because I don’t know if the tax laws changed or what but then we started filing jointly.”
Despite not being mentioned, there is likely other types of financial issues that could be part of planning for LGBT+ older adults.
4.5 Caregiver Services
Caregiver services refers to support for those who do caregiving or “informal care provided by those who are unpaid” (Shiu, Muraco, and Fredriksen-Goldsen 2016, 528). Some participants discussed their role as caregivers for straight parents, partners, grandchildren, and engaging with other LGBT+ serving caregivers. Theodore discussed how it is difficult for LGBT+ people to be caregivers for same-sex spouses and find adequate support because “We forget how recent all this is… We did not have human rights.” As Shiu, Muraco, and Fredriksen-Goldsen (2016) and many other researchers have demonstrated, the number of LGBT+ caregivers are projected to grow, and more services will be needed to meet their unique position as LGBT+ people who also happen to be caregivers.
5 Findings: Information Barriers
To answer RQ2, the researcher asked interview participants about barriers they thought they might experience in accessing aging services. In conducting thematic analysis of those expected barriers, 180 initial barrier codes were identified, which were ultimately consolidated to 25 initial groups and seven final groups or themes. Table 2 outlines the number and percentage of initial codes which belong to each sub barrier theme and final barrier themes.
Participants’ anticipated barriers to meeting aging services information Needs.
| Barriers | Sub barriers | Sub barrier percentage (number) | Barrier percentage (number) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Stigma | Social expectations | 8 % (N = 15) | 30 % (N = 54) |
| Economic | 6 % (N = 11) | ||
| Fear of unknown | 6 % (N = 10) | ||
| Othering | 6 % (N = 10) | ||
| Religion | 4 % (N = 8) | ||
| Discrimination | Discouragement/ Historical Trauma |
7 % (N = 13) | 21 % (N = 39) |
| Refused engagement | 7 % (N = 12) | ||
| Abuse | 4 % (N = 8) | ||
| Mediocre engagement | 3 % (N = 6) | ||
| Fewer personal resources | Money | 4 % (N = 8) | 14 % (N = 26) |
| Public investment | 4 % (N = 8) | ||
| Social networks | 3 % (N = 5) | ||
| Information literacy | 2 % (N = 3) | ||
| Digital literacy | 1 % (N = 2) | ||
| Identity concealment | Safety | 4 % (N = 8) | 12 % (N = 23) |
| Comfort | 3 % (N = 6) | ||
| Access to services | 3 % (N = 6) | ||
| Relationships | 2 % (N = 3) | ||
| Staff limitations | Resources | 5 % (N = 9) | 9 % (N = 16) |
| Knowledge | 3 % (N = 5) | ||
| Skills | 1 % (N = 2) | ||
| Personality | Individualism | 4 % (N = 8) | 6 % (N = 12) |
| Upbringing | 2 % (N = 4) | ||
| Ageism and Elder abuse | Ageism | 4 % (N = 7) | 6 % (N = 10) |
| Elder abuse | 2 % (N = 3) | ||
| Totals | 98 %a (N = 180) | ||
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aPercentages slightly off due to rounding and 1 % minimum.
5.1 Stigma
Stigma is bias towards LGBT+ people because of their identities as sexual and gender minorities (Hughes et al. 2016). The largest barrier raised by participants accounts for 30 % of the examples of information marginalization.
5.1.1 Social Expectations
There are social expectations which assume people are heterosexual and live their life in the form that larger society has come to expect of people as it relates to sexual mores and lifestyle (Tadele 2011). People might not outright discriminate because of this assumed heteronormativity, but it can loom large for LGBT+ older adults. Rosalynn described how, in coming out to her physician, she was told that “I will treat you all day long, but it doesn’t mean that I approve of your lifestyle” as a signal that she was deemed lesser because she did not conform to social expectations of heteronormativity.
5.1.2 Economic Consequences
Participants shared how some providers are concerned about the real or perceived economic consequence of being associated with LGBT+ customers in the mind of potential straight customers and therefore seek to create space between themselves and potential LGBT+ patrons, despite the economic opportunities that exist around LGBT+ inclusion (Badgett 2020). William commented that “Maybe some fear about that in terms of practice and what people leave the practice. I can imagine that still being an issue in certain places.” Providers were often seen by participants as being afraid of being thought of as a LGBT+ provider.
5.1.3 Fear of the Unknown
Fear of the unknown is also a reason why some might stigmatize the LGBT+ community they have no knowledge of or relationship with and why LGBT+ might be cautious opening up to non-LGBT+ people (Moran et al. 2003). The root of this fear, given the lack of a positive relationship between parties, is an absence of trust. Eleanor espoused the challenges around:
Not trusting the source of the services. I think that the real challenge is, if you’ve found a different way that you’ve had to live differently. It’s hard to see that there’s value in the other way, because you’ve grown so accustomed to doing it on your own or you have alternative means for meeting your needs or you have neglected your needs.
While fear of the known might lead some to seek assistance anyway, many of the participants shared that without greater trust, LGBT+ older people may go without even in dire situations.
5.1.4 Othering
There is also a strong amount of “othering” of LGBT+ people or making this population feel as if they are outside the mainstream of society because they are thought about as being different (Dixon and Dougherty 2014). This is separate from social expectations because it goes beyond the often unrealized assumption of heterosexuality and straightness into actively considering that LGBT+ people are separate from the rest of society. Franklin shared his own experience with this phenomenon: “I think [talking about sexuality] would bring up a discussion that wouldn’t go anywhere. Not that my son and his family are homophobic. They’re just not very comfortable with me being gay. If that makes sense.”
Being made to feel different or otherwise not fitting into a group can lead to further isolation and consideration of certain parts of one’s identity – such as gender or sexual identity – as being what separates oneself from others in the group.
5.1.5 Religious
Religious-based stigma came up with some of the participants. Ida bemoaned that “We’re in the South. They’re all sinners; they’re all going to Hell. It’s a choice. You have heard all of this, I’m sure or not.” While these religious views might not result in much beyond judgement, stigma is often a root of something even more nefarious: discrimination.
5.2 Discrimination
Discrimination is understood as the actions and inactions meant to create challenges for LGBT+ older adults because of their identity (Stacey and Averett 2016). There were 39 discrimination initial codes split across four sub-themes.
5.2.1 Historical Trauma
Historical trauma refers to the reasons that LGBT+ people might not seek information based on personal and community level experience with past discrimination (Prussing 2014). Some examples of this provided by participants include how different the experience of being gay was for young people in the past versus young people now and how that influences the behavior of today’s older LGBT population. William recounted:
When I was young and in college I can remember, you just snuck to the gay bar and hope nobody saw you going, park in the back. It was a very, very closed thing, and that was community wide. We got together in homes and in small areas, but you know, to bring the community together for a Pride event – it wouldn’t happen.
This historical trauma and expectation of discrimination might keep participants from seeking needed information.
5.2.2 Refused Engagement
Fear of refused engagement by religious organizations who have resources like food banks was on display with several participants. Abraham brainstormed: “You can do the walk up or the drive through and get the food as easily as the next person because when you put the box in your trunk you don’t have to look over and say thank you from a gay man or thank you I’m a lesbian woman. You just say thank you.”
Without conforming, at least publicly, to the views of organizations who control local resources, LGBT+ older adults might lose out on necessary resources.
5.2.3 Abuse
Abuse-related discrimination took form as wielding political power to block services to LGBT+ people or direct physical and emotional attacks on LGBT+ service seekers (Dworkin and Yi 2003). Martha talked more about the prospect of direct violence:
When you’re going through transition, especially male to female, you tend to become more hyper vigilant about where you’re going and what you’re doing and what time you don’t do it at… there are people who have been transitioning and have been abused in their own work environments, so you know just finding a job is a scary proposition for many people.
The range of forms abuse can take are a reminder of the concern of escalation of anti-LGBT+ sentiment and actions.
5.2.4 Mediocre Engagement
Some providers were described as engaging with LGBT+ older adults but offered inadequate services perhaps in hopes of leading the LGBT+ person to cease seeking assistance. Andrew shared that: “government based organizations that get government funding they pretty much have to [serve LGBT+ people]. There’s a little more of a mandate there. Although they might not be as helpful as others that were allies… they probably do as little as possible.”
These and other examples demonstrated just how varied the examples of discrimination found in the lives of some LGBT+ older adults can be.
5.3 Fewer Personal Resources
Fewer personal resources describes a lack of social and economic capital in comparison to their non-LGBT+ peers. There were 26 initial codes shared across five sub-themes.
5.3.1 Lacking Money
Money was the most common form of fewer personal resources mentioned by participants. Benjamin noted how lacking money might shape an LGBT person’s later years:
There’s a place, I think, when you get older, especially if you don’t have money, that you cannot afford an assisted living. And from what I am told going to a nursing home now is not a permanent thing anymore. It is just sort of you can be there as long as you are sick and need to be there incapacitated but then they want to send you home… Well, the first thing, you have got to have a home because rents are getting so expensive now.
Lacking money compounds other challenges raised by Benjamin and other participants.
5.3.2 Lacking Public Investment
Just as many participants shared examples of personal resource limitations which are connected to a lack of public investment, such as a dearth of resources in rural places despite their being people in need of those resources (Klinenberg 2018). Franklin posed that the needs of LGBT+ older adults is largely not considered by service providers: “I think partially here, it probably never occurred to them. I think most organizations probably just really haven’t thought about it or don’t have the resources to do it.”
The lack of public investment speaks to systemic issues in society but becomes acute for people who have to experience multiple systemic challenges.
5.3.3 Lacking Social Network
Small or nonexistent social networks mean that there are less people to seek support from in difficult times and less individuals to enjoy time with otherwise (Breder and Bockting 2022). Louisa felt that “so many more people in the LGBT community don’t have supportive families, so they can’t turn to family. So, they remain extra isolated.”
Creating and sustaining health social networks may be beyond the capabilities and resources of some.
5.3.4 Lacking Information Literacy
LGBT+ people do not always have information literacy or the skills to find, understand, and use helpful information (Hardy 2021). While this study did not focus on the individual practices of LGBT+ people, they did come up with some in connection to larger social challenges. In reference to getting their aging related needs met, Ulysses stated that “not knowing what’s available” is the significant challenge to meeting the need.
5.3.5 Lacking Digital Literacy
Lacking digital literacy is LGBT+ people not having the skills to utilize modern technologies like computers, smart phones, smart watches, etc. (Jaffe 2016). Abigail explained the challenges that many older LGBT+ people face in regard to digital literacy: “Well there’s so many older people who just or even not necessarily older just you know people who are not real familiar with like computers and making a zoom call or doing you know doing a chat or something like that, but they panic… they think that they’ll get made fun of.”
Digital literacy represents a systemic issue for populations such as older people who did not grow up with the technology and might not have used them much previously in personal or professional settings.
5.4 Identity Concealment
Identity concealment is feeling the need to be selective in revealing one’s LGBT+ identity (Pereira and Silva 2021). There were 23 related initial codes divided between four sub-themes.
5.4.1 Safety
Feeling safer, whether that be physically, emotionally, financially, etc. in the closet than being out, was a reason LGBT+ participants might conceal their identity. Abraham shared that he was outed at one point: “But as fast as I was kicked out of the closet – which is my phrase – I opened that door and went right back in. But I was able to partially come out of the closet with retirement.”
5.4.2 Comfort
Beyond concerns for their safety, some participants discussed just feeling more comfortable in daily life by concealing identity. Sometimes the desire to withhold LGBT+ identity comes from not seeing any advantage to sharing it. Tyler said: “People my age, you know, went for so long and not telling anybody anything but now hey I’m gay… My coworkers all know my orientation. I’m just not that open or that comfortable stating that I guess.”
5.4.3 To Access Services
Some interviewees discussed feeling the need to hide one’s identity to obtain services even if it means they receive less helpful care by not disclosing their identity. Benjamin explained that a problem with sharing one’s LGBT identity with providers can result in not being their favorite anymore: “That’s always a problem to know whether to tell them you’re gay or not, because a lot of times it’s just better to stay under the radar. And you know that’s still a problem, especially around here.” Changes in relationship could also change access.
5.4.4 Close Relationships
LGBT+ people often decide to stay in the closest in order to preserve close relationships such as family and friends. Chester discussed his relationship with his niece and the need for her to follow his last wishes: “I told my niece I’m gay and she’s not very happy about it. She’s certainly not accepting or affirming for me, but we still are family friendly. I mean she’ll have to legally – she has to follow the will. But if it’s minor stuff, I’m dead, so I don’t really care; she can do what she wants to.”
Beyond losing access to services, coming out could result in losing access to relationships – including ones that have been special or fundamental to a LGBT+ person’s development.
5.5 Staff Limitations
Staff limitations was found to represent a lack of what providers need to better serve LGBT+ older adults. This is different from discrimination in the sense that any lack of service is not necessarily intentional but instead is a byproduct of a larger shortage. The 16 related codes were found across three sub-themes.
5.5.1 Lack of Staff Resources
This is staff not having the resources to do more to recruit and serve LGBT+ older adults specifically. Zachary shared: “I think one of the offices of aging would be to help them to understand that they have to give what older people need, but of course these assisted livings, they have no money, they’re all understaffed and very unprofessional, so I don’t know how much it would help.”
Ida pointed out a flaw in the system: “You know the educational things to get the word out are important, but the other part of it is if you’re looking at government services, people who are already overworked and underpaid. Why would they want to go out and recruit more work?”
This can come into play as it relates to serving a small and often marginalized population as there might not be many upsides to serving LGBT+ older people in the eyes of some providers.
5.5.2 Lack of Staff Knowledge
Staff in the examples do not have the knowledge base to understand the specific needs of LGBT+ older people. This might be, as Louisa suggested, because they “Probably don’t realize there are special needs” for LGBT+ older adults. A knowledge gap could affect how they view the needs of this population in reference to their organization’s mission. Staff may need to actively seek out opportunities to increase their knowledge of specific populations in order to ensure they get that knowledge rather than waiting on supervisors or other entities to provide it.
5.5.3 Lack of Staff Skills
Staff in these examples do not have the skills necessary for better serving the specific needs of LGBT+ older people. William shared that some providers might not feel that they have the skills to interact with LGBT+ older people effectively: “It is the same thing with the racial situation sometimes, you know. Maybe providers just are not feeling competent in understanding that community or what they need to feel like.”
Knowledge is often not enough to ensure specific populations receive the resources they require. It may become clearer how to successfully meet the needs of LGBT+ older people after learning more about what they see as their needs.
5.6 Personality
Personality might seem to be a personal rather than systemic issue. However, participants shared how personality is driven by larger forces. For instance, it was clear that some of these traits might be tied to larger cultural issues such as individualism which is well documented as part of the American psyche (Bazzi, Fiszbein, and Gebresilasse 2020) or religious underpinnings, particular around Christianity, that were brought up many of the participants of the study (Subhi and Geelan 2012). Twelve initial codes were shared between two sub-themes.
5.6.1 Individualism
Individualism is a perspective commonly espoused in the United States about the importance of taking care of oneself rather than expecting the government or some other entity to assist you (Shain 2021). Participants shared how this way of thinking might be a barrier for some LGBT+ older people who would benefit from help. Rutherford expanded upon this point stating: “I think older folks now are so used to just do it on their own, I think that’s kind of the American way, if you will, the rugged – pull yourself up by the bootstraps is already there, but I think it gets even more so with our community, because we’ve had to depend on ourselves and if we don’t trust each other, then that’s even more isolating.”
Individualism can become a barrier for older people who develop health needs. Living on your own, for instance, may no longer be safe, but LGBT+ older people may choose to risk falling with no way to get up rather than surround themselves with others who are unaccepting.
5.6.2 Upbringing
A person’s upbringing can strongly influence how they think about issues throughout their life. An upbringing around religious or social hostility towards being LGBT+ was described as keeping some LGBT+ older people from seeking services for LGBT+ people. Tyler shared how his upbringing shaped his public persona as a gay man: “I guess the old values that I grew up with that I’ve taught my parents and grandparents is that you act a certain way, and most of the people nowadays don’t have that anchorage.”
While a person’s upbringing can appear to be individualized, greater society factors such as religion and political affiliations can influence seemingly personal choices.
5.7 Ageism and Elder Abuse
Ageism and elder abuse refer to the spectrum of mistreatment against people because of their age, ranging from stigmatizing them because they are older to a variety of forms of abuse such as physical, financial, or neglect. There were 10 initial codes separated between two sub themes.
5.7.1 Ageism
Ageism refers to negative feelings and stereotypes held about someone because of their age (Averett, Yoon, and Jenkins 2011). Abigail talked about how feelings about aging have evolved across generations but yet younger people still often dismiss older people within the LGBT+ community: “I was just gonna say that’s true just in general about older people, because younger people have a really bad tendency to just completely dismiss them and think that they’re stuck in the past… I don’t get that. I mean my mom’s generation was like that they just sat down to die, but we don’t do that anymore.”
Ageism can be directed towards any older person, though the youth-orientation of some segments of the LGBT+ community may increase its occurrence among LGBT+ older adults.
5.7.2 Elder Abuse
Elder abuse is the mistreatment of a person because they are considered more vulnerable due to age (Westwood 2019). This mistreatment can take many forms such as emotional, psychological, physical, financial, sexual, neglect, etc. Abigail talked about elder abuse being an issue that older people face, even within the LGBT+ community: “I mean you know there’s elderly people who are being harassed and assaulted just because they’re old and they’re slow when they’re in the way. Terrifying. It’s absolutely terrifying.”
Older generations of LGBT+ people experiencing elder abuse would also be the same age groups of trailblazers who helped make it easier for subsequent LGBT+ people to be open and free.
6 Discussion
Intersectionality, or the concept that some people might be targeted because of multiple elements of their identity (Crenshaw 1989), is a term that has recently grown in importance in library and information science literature. Select examples of intersectional-focused research in the field include studies on women of color in librarianship (Chou, Pho, and Roh 2018), people of color who also are disabled (Gibson and Bowen 2019), and young Black men who sleep with men (Threats and Bond 2021). These and other studies bring attention to the fact that while there may be differences in information needs between populations (such as Black people and white people) there are often differing needs between groups within one population (such as Black people who are disabled and/or queer and Black people who are neither). The findings of this study add to this growing body of library and information science research on intersectional populations by adding to the literature about queer, older, and older queer populations. This is a necessary contribution because if library and information professionals are to continue in the stated vision of serving everyone, they must recognize – and attempt to meet – the different needs for varying populations (Mehra 2022).
But beyond being about serving various populations, the findings of this study also contribute to new questions around a larger goal of critical librarianship: identifying and challenging inequities in society (Drabinski 2019). While the population of LGBT+ people aged 50 and older is already in the millions and growing (Choi and Meyer 2016), this population is dispersed across a broad geographic space; some information professionals may not see the need to serve this population in particular. But this begs the larger question of how large and impactful must an inequity be for it to be worth a response from librarians and others? Further research is necessary to understand whether or not resources developed in practice that are macro (such as lists of websites with national or international information on the needs of LGBT+ older adults) or micro (such as close-knit partnerships between local organizations that are not well publicized) may be better for providing some service towards a population that libraries may be less capable – or willing – to serve. The findings of this study suggest that any move which demonstrates a willingness to serve the information needs of LGBT+ older adults and a removal of barriers (such as having inclusion statements or dedicated materials to this population) is a step in the direction towards practitioners learning about these needs in the community they serve in the first place.
7 Conclusion
It has been stated that too often information research is about identifying problems rather than offering solutions (Caidi in Potnis et al. 2021). This may be a fair charge, but also researchers are not able to test solutions to problems they do not know exist. The purpose of this article has been to contribute to the literature gap around specific aging-related information needs and anticipated barriers of LGBT+ older adults. Future publications will explore solutions that this population and others may recommend for meeting these needs and removing associated barriers.
A secondary purpose of this article is bringing attention to the information-related needs and barriers of older people in general which this author argues will be a crucial responsibility of information and library professionals in the twenty-first century – and one for which we are not yet prepared (Winberry 2021). With more attention in research, practice, and education to the information needs and related barriers of older adults – and especially of those from historically marginalized populations – library and information science will be well positioned to lead on these issues and do what its professionals do best: provide others with the informational and technological tools necessary for navigating through their particular life circumstances.
Acknowledgements
This article was developed as part of the author’s dissertation study. He would like to thank his dissertation chair, Dr. Xiaohua “Awa” Zhu, and committee members, Dr. Suzie Allard, Dr. Joel Anderson, and Dr. Bharat Mehra, for their feedback on previous iterations of this article.
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Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Factors Influencing the Adoption of Green Libraries for Environmental Sustainability: A Systematic Literature Review
- Dimensions of the Ukrainian War in British Press: A Topic Modeling Approach
- Library Leadership in Minority Serving Institutions: Investigating the Backgrounds of MSI Library Directors
- Characteristics of OA Diamond Journal Publishing in Non-English-Speaking Countries
- Aging-Related Information Needs and Barriers Experienced by LGBT+ Older Adults
- Graduate Education in China Meets AI: Key Factors for Adopting AI-Generated Content Tools
- Sentiment Analysis of Chinese Ancient Poetry Based on Multidimensional Attention Under the Background of Digital Intelligence Integration
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Factors Influencing the Adoption of Green Libraries for Environmental Sustainability: A Systematic Literature Review
- Dimensions of the Ukrainian War in British Press: A Topic Modeling Approach
- Library Leadership in Minority Serving Institutions: Investigating the Backgrounds of MSI Library Directors
- Characteristics of OA Diamond Journal Publishing in Non-English-Speaking Countries
- Aging-Related Information Needs and Barriers Experienced by LGBT+ Older Adults
- Graduate Education in China Meets AI: Key Factors for Adopting AI-Generated Content Tools
- Sentiment Analysis of Chinese Ancient Poetry Based on Multidimensional Attention Under the Background of Digital Intelligence Integration