Abstract
Forty-three years after the publication of Simo Parpola’s article “The Murderer of Sennacherib,” the events of his assassination in 681 BC and Esarhaddon’s accession to the throne continue to provoke debate. More than a simple act of murder, the assassination of Sennacherib should be understood as an attempted coup d’ état, a strategically planned attempt to use force to bring about a change in political leadership. Combining a new examination of the many sources associated with this event with fresh theoretical perspectives derived from the study of modern coups d’état, this article refutes recent suggestions that Esarhaddon played a role in the murder of his father. It argues that Sennacherib did in fact disinherit Urad-Mullissu in favor of Esarhaddon, that Urad-Mullissu successfully recruited professional chariot units based in Nineveh to participate in his conspiracy, and that Esarhaddon was likely based in the city of Dur-Katlimmu at the time of his father’s assassination. Esarhaddon avoided assassination and prevailed in the conflict which followed by leveraging his status as the designated heir to create the perception that his candidacy for the throne was endorsed by the gods and therefore his victory was inevitable. Nevertheless, the assassination and the brief civil war that followed cast a pall over Esarhaddon’s reign, shaping his own succession arrangements as well as the atmosphere of paranoia which marked his final years.
Acknowledgments
I would like to take this opportunity to thank Hartmut Kühne, director of excavations at Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu, for his comments and suggestions as well as permission to publish images related to the site. I would also like to thank Teresa Imfeld of the Ellison Library at Warren Wilson College for going above and beyond normal effort to find the books which I needed to complete this paper via interlibrary loan, as well as Cristiana Conti-Easton for being willing to share her forthcoming chapter. I would also like to thank the Trustees of the British Museum for permission to publish the tablet SAA 18 100 + K. 21923, and Imran Javed for making a special effort to find this tablet so that I could examine it. Finally, I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their time and for all of their extremely helpful suggestions for improving this manuscript.
Appendix: Three Primary Sources
1 VAT 4923: An Anonymous Letter to Esarhaddon from Babylonia
Collection: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin.
Language: Neo-Babylonian
Previous Editions: Weidner (: 5–9; hand copy, translit., trans.); Vera Chamaza (2002: 387–88; coll., translit., trans.).
Transliteration
Obv. | 1) ḫi-ṭa-a-ti šá IdAG—ŠEŠ.MEŠ—SUM-na DUMU Iku-up-pu-up-ti SANGA 2) a-na AN.ŠÁR—ŠEŠ—SUM-na LUGAL.KUR.KUR iḫ-ṭu-ú MU.NE 3) ši-pir-ti šá a-na LUGAL KUR.ELAM.MA.KI iš-pu-ru 4) IŠEŠ—SUM-na A-šú šá IdDUMU—É—ŠEŠ-ir šá-ṭir ši-pir-ti 5) IARAD—dšu-ti-ti GAL-É šá DUMU Iku-up-pu-up-ti 6) um-ma d30—ŠEŠ.MEŠ—eri-ba ši-ma-a-ti la ta-qab-ba-a 7) um-ma e-mu-qu šá AN.ŠAR—ŠEŠ—SUM-na ki-i 8) e-mu-qu šá d30—ŠEŠ.MEŠ—eri-ba ma-a-da 9) ú-qu-šu ia-a-nu a-du-ú e-mu-qu a-na 10) pir-ṣa-a-ti ú-ka-⸢lu⸣-ma a-šap-par-[á]š-šu 11) at-tu-ka É-šú-nu na-mu-ra-ti [ma]-⸢a⸣-da 12) IdAG—ŠEŠ.MEŠ—SUM-na DUMU Iku-up-pu-up-ti SANGA 13) 2 ⸢MA.NA⸣ KÙ.GI šá IdEN—ŠEŠ.MEŠ-eri-ba LÚ.KÙ.DIM 14) šá [x x x x]-si šá KÙ.GI šá INÍG.GUB 15) LÚ.KÙ.DIM šá x-x-[…] 16) 9 TÚG.e-la-a-ti 5 ṣal-mu LUGAL i-n[a … ] 17) pa-ni GAB-šu-nu KÙ.GI ⸢ši⸣-sik-ti-šú-nu KÙ.GI 18) 60 TÚG.DÁRA.MEŠ šá bi-ir-mu šá I bi-bé-e-a 19) ù Imar-duk DUMU.MEŠ Idu-gul-la-ke-e 20) id-din-nu-ni-šu ḪAR KÙ.GI ⸢šá⸣ ḫúb-še-e tam-li-e 21) šá IdEN—SUM-na a-na 30 MA.NA KÙ.BABBAR id-da-áš-šú |
Rev. | 22) an-na-a-ta na-mu-ra-ta šá a-na 23) LUGAL KUR.ELAM.MA.KI ú-še-bi-lu 24) i-qab-bi um-[ma] LUGAL-ú-tu šá AN.ŠAR—ŠEŠ—SUM-na 25) pa-ḫa-ta GAL pi-qit-ti ú-paq-qid-ma li-il-tan-ni-šu 26) Iaḫ-ḫi-e-a A-šu šá IDUMU.UŠ-a il-tap-ra ù 27) ar-ki-šú il-tap-ra-an-ni ⸢iš⸣- x-x ⸢i⸣-na 28) mu-ṣip-e-ti šu-x-ṭu ⸢a-ta⸣-x-šú x x 29) i-na la-⸢bi⸣-ri ki-i ⸢ú-kal-x⸣ […] 30) ⸢x-ti a-⸣ […] TIN.TIR.KI 31) iḫ-te-pu […] x e-li-ḫi 32) KUR la ŠU.2 [AD]-ka ul-te-lu-ú 33) en-na 10 ERÍM.MEŠ it-ti a-ḫa-meš ki-i iz-zi-zu 34) KUR la ŠU.2 LUGAL ú-še-lu-ka ŠÀ-bi šá LUGAL KUR.KUR 35) be-lí-šu la i-šá-ḫi-ṭu a-mat ma-la a-šem-mu-ú 36) a-na LUGAL KUR.KUR be-lí-ía a-š[ap-pa]-ru 37) [LU]GAL ŠU.2 ⸢ERÍM.MEŠ⸣ [UG]U-ḫi [i]-⸢qab⸣-bu-[u-ni] 38) la ú-maš-šar-an-ni-ma la a-m[a]-ta |
Translation
1–2 The crimes of Nabû-aḫḫe-iddina the priest, son of Kuppupti, which he has committed against Esarhaddon, the King of the Lands: The names.
3–11 The message which they sent to the king of Elam: Ahu-iddina son of Mar-biti-naṣir wrote the message, (along with) Urad-sutiti the rab bīti of the son of Kuppupti, saying: “Sennacherib is dead. Do not say that the troops of Esarhaddon are many like the troops of Sennacherib. He does not have an army.” Now, he has an army of lies. I will write to him: “Their house belongs to you.”
11–23 The audience-gifts of Nabû-aḫḫe-iddina the priest, son of Kuppupti are numerous: 2 minas of gold of Bel-aḫḫe-eriba the goldsmith, who […] the gold of Kudurru the goldsmith who […]. 9 outer garments, 5 of them with the image of the king on their chest (in) gold with gold fringe. 60 sashes of multicolored cloth which Bibea and Marduk sons of Dugul-lakê gave to him. A gold ring with ḫubšê-inlay which Bel-iddina gave him for 30 minas of silver. These are the audience-gifts which they sent to the king of Elam.
24–25 He is saying: “the kingship of Esarhaddon is weak, he has appointed a rab piqitti. May he continue to weaken.”
26–27 Aḫḫe’a son of Aplaya wrote and afterwards he wrote to me …
27–28 … with muṣiptu-cloth …
29 … as in old times when he held …
30–31 … he destroyed Babylon … he adorned …
32 … they removed the land from the hands of your [father?].
33–35 Now if 10 soldiers gather together, he can cause the land to not be in the hand of the king, while the King of the Lands his lord does not attack.
35–38 I will se[nd wo]rd of everything I hear to the King of the Lands, my lord. May the king speak [to me] and not abandon me (into) the hands of the soldiers, and I not die!
Commentary
1. Nabû-aḫḫe-iddina’s title SANGA (for šangû, “priest”) is rare without a determinative, but see SAA 14 87: e.3; SAA 12 81: col. i ln. 12′, col. ii ln. 5′, r. col. i ln. 9–10.
6. ISîn-aḫḫe-eriba šīmâti = literally, “Sennacherib, (his) fate.” This appears to be an abbreviated form of the common euphemism for death ana šīmti alāku, “he went to his fate.” See CAD Š3: 18.
11. For the reading [ma]-⸢a⸣-da, see Vera Chamaza (2002: 387).
18. TÚG.DÁRA.MEŠ = nēbettu, “sash, girdle.” See CAD N2: 201.
20. ḫubšê is obscure, occurring otherwise only in a ritual text describing placing a ḫubšê on a clay figurine to be crushed as part of a ritual. See No. 8.12: ln. 11 in Abusch and Schwemer (2011: 362–64). Abusch and Schwemer suggested emending to ḫu-up-pi, “disposable clay pot,” which is clearly not tenable for this text.
24. The sign ma is clear in the hand copy published by Weidner (: 6) but is marked as a reconstruction in Vera Chamaza’s collations (2002: 387). The tablet was most likely damaged in storage.
25. paḫḫat(a) = G-stative 3fs of paḫaḫu, see CAD P, p. 20. liltannišu = enešu Dt-preterite 3 ms + precative. piqittu = “provision, ing, assignment,” see CAD P: 388–93. The term bēl piqitti is widely attested in the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods, but rab piqitti is only attested here.
27. For ⸢iš⸣- x-x ⸢i⸣-na, see collations by Vera Chamaza (2002: 387).
28. For ⸢a-ta⸣-x-šú x x, see collations by Vera Chamaza (2002: 387).
29. For ⸢ú-kal-x⸣, see collations by Vera Chamaza (2002: 387).
30. The reading of the first signs of this line follows Vera Chamaza (2002: 387).
31. elihi = elēhu G-preterite 3 ms.
32. [AD]-ka is the only reconstruction which makes sense here. The writer is likely referencing the various rebellions which occurred in Babylonia during the reign of Sennacherib.
2 1880-7-19, 28 (SAA 18 100) + K. 21923: The Sennacherib Assassination Letter
Collection: British Museum, London.
Language: Neo-Babylonian
Previous Editions: For 1880-7-19, 28 see ABL 1091 (copy); Waterman (1930: Vol. 2, 258–59; translit., trans.); Parpola (1980: 180–81; hand copy, translit., trans.); SAA 18 100 (coll., translit., trans.); Reynolds (2017; corrections). For 1880-7-19, 28 + K. 21923 see Jones (2019; hand copy, translit., trans.); Dalley and Siddall (2021: 49–51; hand copy, translit., trans.).
Transliteration
Obv. | 1′) ⸢x⸣ 2′) mu-x 3′) šá I⸢d⸣[…] 4′) šá 4(bán) x x x x […] 5′) 3 ŠEŠ.MEŠ-ni URU.TIN.TI[R.KI.MEŠ xx] 6′) LÚ.KUG.DIM!.MEŠ i-na É [IARAD—dNIN.LÍL] 7′) a-de-e šá si-i-ḫi šá x-[…] 8′) ki-i iš-mu-ú 01.en i-n[a ŠÀ-bi-šú-nu] 9′) i-na pa-ni (ni)-ir-ti a-mat LUGAL i[q?-ta-bi] 10′) IdAG—MU—iš-kun ù Iṣi[l-aš-šur] 11′) ki-i il-li-ku-nu i-šá-a-[lu-šu] 12′) um-ma a-mat LUGAL-ka ana U[GU mi-ni-i] 13′) šu-ú ma-a a-na UGU IARAD—[dNIN.LÍL] 14′) ⸢i⸣ TÚG.KUR.RA-šú pa-ni-šú ⸢i⸣-[ter-mu] |
Rev. | 1) ⸢i⸣-na pa-ni IARDA—dNIN.[LÍL-ma] 2) ul-te-zi-zi-šú um-ma a-mur […] 3) im-ma-⸢gar⸣ ina pi-i-ka qi-[bi] 4) šu-ú iq-ta-bi um-ma IARAD—[dNIN.LÍL] 5) DUMU-ka i-dak-ka pa-ni-[šú] 6) ki-i ip-tu-ú IARAD—dNI[N.LÍL] 7) ki-i ú-sa-niq-šú a-na šá-[a-šú] 8) ⸢ù⸣ ŠEŠ.MEŠ-šú i-d[uk-ku] 9) šu-m[u š]á ERIM.MEŠ Išar-hi-ia I[…] 10) ù IdAG—ŠEŠ—APIN-eš ki-⸢i⸣ […] 11) la i-qi-pi ERIM.MEŠ šá É IAR[AD—dNIN.LÍL] 12) LUGAL ⸢li⸣-šá-al-la :* en-n[a a-du-ú] 13) da-ba-ba bab-ba-nu-ú šá […] 14) ki-i [ni]m!-ḫar-ru a-na LU[GAL EN-i-ni] 15) ki-i [i]š-pu-ru LUGAL [EN-a-ni] 16) x […] |
Translation
1′−3′ … whom [PN lost] …
4′ … which 4 sūtu of […]
5′−10′ … 3 brothers, Babylonians … goldsmiths in the house of [Urad-Mullissu] when they heard of the treaty of rebellion which […], one of them appealed to the king prior to the murder.
10′–r. 8 When Nabû-šumu-iškun and Ṣil-[Assur] came, they questioned [him] saying “[what] is your appeal to the king about?” He (replied): “It is about Urad-Mullissu.”
14′–r.8 They covered his face with his cloak and they made him stand before Urad-Mullissu, saying “see, your (audience) has been granted, speak with your mouth!” He spoke, saying “Your son Urad-Mullissu will kill you!” When they uncovered his face, Urad-Mullissu questioned him. They kil[led him] and his brothers.
r.9–11 The names of the men are Šarhiya, [PN lost] and Nabû-aḫu-ereš. When […] they did not believe it.
r.11–15 The king should question the men of the house of Urad-Mullissu. Now when we confronted (them about) the tremendous twaddle which […], they then wrote to the king [our lord]. The king [our lord]…
Commentary
Dalley and Siddall (2021) have recently published a new translation of this tablet which is both at odds with previous translations and supports theories first proposed by Dalley 14 years earlier (2007: 37–46). They argue this letter was written late in Sennacherib’s reign, by a person friendly with Urad-Mullissu to inform the king that Esarhaddon had attempted to frame Urad-Mullissu as disloyal. Their arguments will be examined in detail in the comments below. The transliteration, collations, and translation are based on my study of the tablet at the British Museum in September 2018. For a hand copy of the joined fragment see Jones (2019: 88); for a full hand copy of the entire tablet see Dalley and Siddall (2021: 49).
4′. The reading šá 4(bán) here is certainly unusual for a letter rather than an administrative text. Dalley and Siddall (2021: 51) read the first two signs as šá da, however, as there is no trace of a second vertical wedge which would be expected for da this would require an emendation. Since the remainder of the line is too damaged to read, any emendation would be speculative.
5′. (SAA 18 100: 2′). The join confirms the reconstruction of the second line as ŠEŠ, as first proposed by Parpola (1980: 180) and adds the number “3” before it.
6′. LÚ.KUG.DIM = kutimmu, “silversmith” or “goldsmith.” The precise translation is immaterial as workers with this title appear to have been skilled artisans proficient with both metals, see CAD K: 608–09. The signs are clearly visible in the joined fragment, showing that the reconstruction of the line as the personal name [IDI]-⸢mu⸣—PAB-MEŠ or Šulmu-aḫḫe in SAA 18 100: 3′ to be incorrect.
The reconstruction É [IARAD—dNIN.LÍL] is based on r. 11. Dalley and Siddall’s suggestion (2021: 51) that the É at the end of the line is the beginning of a temple name, possibly the Esagil, on the basis of texts which describe goldsmiths as holding high temple offices there during the Hellenistic period is unnecessary, as skilled metalworking artisans were frequently employed by the households of the elite in the Neo-Assyrian heartland. See SAA 6 19: r. 7; SAA 11 155: 5–6; 222: r. 4, 13; SAA 16 65: 2–3.
7′. Here the join confirms Parpola’s reconstruction (1980: 180) [a]-de-e. The joined fragment K. 21923 ends on this line.
9′. Dalley and Siddall’s (2021: 47–48) attempt to re-date this letter to the late reign of Sennacherib depends on their interpretation of this line. Parpola emended this line to read i-na pa-(an) né-er-ti, later modified to i-na pa-ni (ni)-ir-ti, “prior to the murder” in SAA 18 100: 6′, a clear reference to Sennacherib’s assassination, and the latter emendation is followed here Reynolds (2017). reads the line i-na pa-ni ir-ti, which Dalley and Siddall (2021: 50–51) translate as “the first meeting.” This is most unlikely, as the phrase ina irti is not a noun but an idiomatic phrase (literally “to the chest”) which requires a direct object (cf. SAA 1 128: 10; SAA 3 23: 3′; SAA 10 269: r. 8; SAA 13 158: r. 13′; SAA 16 63: 11). In this sentence, the direct object could only be amat šarri, “the word of the king,” but this makes no sense as an appeal to the king is not a physical object that can be met with. Finally, ina irti as an idiomatic phrase is unique to Neo-Assyrian, while this letter was written in Neo-Babylonian (see CAD I-J: 187). Putting an adjective pānû in the middle of an idiomatic phrase is likewise impossible in Akkadian, where adjectives usually follow the noun they modify rather than being interposed between a preposition and the noun which that preposition governs. For these reasons, it is perhaps unsurprising that the phrase ina pāni irti appears nowhere else in Akkadian. Furthermore, Dalley and Siddall’s attempt to read pa-ni as the ordinal number pānû still requires an emendation, as panû is always written with a final long vowel, likely to differentiate it from panu, “front.” For these reasons, a haplography caused by the scribe accidentally omitting the second of two consecutive ni signs remains the overwhelmingly likely explanation for this line, and the emendation to ni-ir-ti, “murder” is fully justified. If Dalley and Siddall (2021: 48, 52) are correct that this tablet is an archival copy of an original letter, this would make a scribal error even more likely.
10′. Reynolds (2017) reads this line I⸢ṣil⸣-[DN]. For arguments that the individual in this line is Ṣil-Assur, governor of Nineveh see section ‘The Plot Against Sennacherib’ above.
11′. Dalley and Siddall (2021: 49) translate illikūnu as singular, but it is clearly a 3mp verb with Nabû-šumu-iškun and Ṣil-[Assur] as its subject.
14′. The precise reading of TÚG.KUR.RA is uncertain. The reading suḫattu/šuḫattu is most likely, however, these terms can refer to items as varied as a rag used for cleaning pots, a cloak worn by soldiers, a fabric used for tents, or a garment work by cult statues of gods. I have retained the translation “cloak” from Parpola (1980: 180–81) and SAA 18 100: 11′, as here the use of the 3 ms pronominal suffix implies that the silversmith was wearing the object when he met with Nabû-šumu-iškun and Ṣil-[Assur]. For discussion and examples, see CAD S: 346; CAD Š3: 205; Zawadzki (2010); Gaspa (2018: 217, 264–65).
r. 8. The join resumes on this line. The conjunction ū is partially visible and can be confidently reconstructed here. Reynolds (2017) reads the end of this line as i-⸢ta⸣-[…], while Dalley and Siddall (2021: 52) reconstruct it as i-t[a-bak]. However, my own collations as well as the hand copy published by Dalley and Siddall (2021: 49) and the collations published by Reynolds in SAA 18 100, p. 223 show a partially broken sign which is entirely consistent with duk as it was written in Neo-Babylonian. There is nothing which requires reading ta here, and the verb dâku, “to kill” remains as likely as abāku “to lead away.”
r. 9–10. The readings of r. 9 by Reynolds (2017) and Dalley and Siddall (2021: 52) of these lines are likely correct. Parpola (1980: 180) and SAA 18 100: r. 9–10 considered there to be four names in r. 9–10, with the latter reconstructing [a-na] at the beginning of r. 10, suggesting the final name Nabû-aḫu-ereš was the recipient of a report. However, the fragment provides evidence of a conjunctive ū at the beginning of r. 10, indicating that Nabû-aḫu-ereš was the final name on a list beginning in r. 9. SAA 18 100: r. 9 reads the names as ITUR IDÙG-ia I […] “Ṣuḫru, Ṭabiya, [PN lost],” while I suggested in Jones (2019: 88–89) IŠE.BAR, “Uṭṭatu” as the reading of the first name. Reynolds (2017) and Dalley and Siddall (2021: 49) noticed that the sign which I read BAR contains the faint trace of an additional horizontal wedge on the upper part of the sign, indicating the proper reading of the sign is šar rather than ŠE.BAR. This means that the second personal name determinative in r. 9 is not a determinative at all, and there are likely only three names in the list. The name Šarḫiya is likely a hypocorism for a name with šarḫu as its middle element: names of this type attested in other sources are Nabû-šarḫi-ilani and Nabû-šarḫu-ubâša, see PNAE 2-2: 873. Dalley and Siddall’s reading of the beginning of this line as šu-m[u š]á is also likely correct and I have adopted it here.
However, Dalley and Siddall’s (2021: 52) interpretation that Šarḫiya, [PN lost] and Nabû-aḫu-ereš were the names of the silversmiths mentioned earlier in the letter is less likely, as the three men in the list are described in r. 9 as ṣābē rather than kutimmū as in ln. 6′. As the same term is used again in r. 11 to describe persons from the house of Urad-Mullissu, it seems more likely that the three men listed were members of Urad-Mullissu’s household who were suspected of some knowledge about the events described earlier in the letter.
r. 10–12. Dalley and Siddall (2021: 49–52) reconstruct [LUGAL] at the end of r. 10 as the subject of the verb i-qi-pi at the beginning of r. 11, with kī at the end of r. 10 functioning as a conditional rather than a temporal modifier. They therefore translate these lines as “If [the king] does not believe (the report), the king should question the men of Urad-[Mullissu’s] household.” While Dalley and Siddall are correct to read the verb i-qi-pi at the beginning of r. 11 as a 3 ms verb written with an overhanging vowel, there seems to be no reason to support the reconstruction of [LUGAL] at the end of r. 10, as there is space for several signs in the broken portion of the tablet. Other possibilities include reading kī as a temporal modifier to a verb (possibly šemû), which would mean reading Nabû-aḫu-ereš as the subject of both verbs and the ù at the beginning of r. 10 as disjunctive (“when Nabû-ahu-ereš heard it, he did not believe it”); or reconstructing another personal name in the break as the subject of qiāpu in r. 11 (“when PN heard it, he did not believe it”). It is also possible that there is an implied subject which was mentioned earlier in the now-lost portions of the letter. Dalley and Siddall’s argument that this letter was addressed to Sennacherib in an attempt to clear Urad-Mullissu of the allegations against him ultimately rests on their reconstruction of the end of r. 10, and becomes a case of circular reasoning where a conclusion is based on a reconstruction, which in turn was proposed with that conclusion in mind.
r. 13. Dalley and Siddall (2021: 48–52) translate the phrase dabāba babbanû as “an excellent report,” arguing that the letter-writer was advocating for the innocence of Urad-Mullissu and his household. However, both dabābu “word” and babbānû “excellent, of good quality” can have either positive or negative connotations depending on the context. The noun dabābu with or without an additional negative adjective can refer to negative rumors (SAA 4 321: 2; 322: 2) or conspiracies against Assyria (SAA 2 6: 502; 8: 16; RINAP 2 65: 93; 82: col. v ln. 10′, col. vii ln. 29″; 117 col. ii ln. 36, 59; RINAP 5/1 7: col. ii ln. 22″; 11: col. i ln. 120, col. iii ln. 84, col. vii ln. 91, col. viii ln. 68; RINAP 5/2 Ashurbanipal 194: col. i ln. 39). The term bēl dabābi (literally, “lord of words”) is used for both an individual’s adversary in court as well as for an adversary in witchcraft (see Ehrlich and Conti-Easton, Forthcoming; CAD D: 3–4). When dabābu is used positively, it is usually in conjunction with the adjectives ṭāb “good” or sometimes kīnu “true” (see CAD D: 2). The adjective babbānû can likewise take on a negative or sarcastic meaning. See for example the bilingual proverb K. 5688, which reads in Akkadian [qinnā]tum ṣurrut pû babbanûtu ublam, “a mouth which brings forth ‘excellence’ is like a continually flatulent anus” (Lambert 1996: 251). The obvious onomatopoetic quality of the phrase dabāba babbanû further suggests a sarcastic usage. I have translated the phrase as “tremendous twaddle” in an attempt to capture the alliterative juxtaposition of a noun often used to describe meaningless or hostile speech with an adjective usually meant to signify excellence. However, given the above proverb, coarser translations such as “talking out of their ass” or “talking bullshit” may better capture the sense of the original. The authors of this letter do not believe the protestations of innocence being made by members of Urad-Mullissu’s household and want the king to investigate further.
An additional argument against the translation “excellent report” is that the noun dabābu is typically used to describe audible speech rather than a written report, and is sometimes contrasted with the more formal qabû “to speak, report” in Neo-Babylonian letters (see Levavi 2018: 373 n. 29). Yet the use of the verb šapāru, “to send a letter, write a letter” in r. 15 indicates a written report, meaning that dabābu cannot be connected to this verb and they must belong to separate sentences. Other attestations of the use of babbānû to modify dabābu or the related noun dibbi clearly refer to audible speech, such as the positive use of dibbi babbānû in K 51: 14–15 in Ebeling (1931: 204–05). When babbānû is used to describe a positive written report, the word used for “report” is ṭēmu (SAA 18 16: 18–19, SAA 19 130: r. 3; C 189: 22–23 in Ebeling 1931: 148–49), awātu (SAA 17 112: r. 17; K 75: 12 in Ebeling 1931: 222–23) or šipirtu (TH 117: r. 2′ in Friedrich et al. 1940: 66; No. 71: r. 15′ in Hackl, Jursa, and Schmidl (2014): 186–87; K 18: 26 in Ebeling 1931: 172–73).
r. 14. The presence of only one vertical wedge after the winkelhaken in the third sign on this line precludes Dalley and Siddall’s (2021: 52) reading of this sign as im. The sign nim fits the remains of the sign coming out of the break, making the verb nimḫāru = maḫāru “to confront, oppose” in the G-preterite 1cp and confirming that this letter had at least two authors. The authors appear here to be confronting people from the household of Urad-Mullissu about their involvement in the plot, while those people protest their innocence to the king.
3 K. 6109: A List of Sennacherib’s Sons
Collection: British Museum, London
Language: Standard Babylonian (?)
Previous Editions: Frahm (1997: Taf. xi; hand copy). For the obverse, see RINAP 3/2 150 (translit., trans.). For the reverse, see Borger (1998: 11; translit.)
Transliteration (Reverse Only)
Rev. | 1) dGIŠ.GÍN.MAŠ : ⸢I⸣[…] 2) IKI.A.GAG : I⸢d⸣[…] 3) dḪum-ba-ba : I⸢d⸣[…] 4) Ie-gi-ba : Id30—P[AB.MEŠ—SU] 5) IÁ.GÁL-ti-AŠ.ŠUR : IDINGIR—bul-lu-[ṭu] 6) IAŠ.ŠUR—GÚR—DINGIR-iá : Ia-na-AŠ.ŠUR-t[ak-lak] 7) IAŠ.ŠUR—DÙ—EN—BA! IAŠ.ŠUR—x […] 8) [I]dUTU—AN.DÙL-šu15 Id[…] 9) [IAŠ.Š]UR—DINGIR.MU—TI.L[A.BI] 10) [IAŠ.Š]UR—GAR—NÍG.U[D.DU] 11) ⸢IAŠ.ŠUR⸣ […] |
Translation
r. 1 Gilgamesh : […]
r.2 Enkidu(?) : […]
r.3 Humbaba : […]
r. 4 Egiba : Sîn-aḫ[ḫe-eriba]
r. 5 Le’iti-Assur : Ilu-bulluṭu
r.6 Assur-mukanniš-iliyya : Ana-Assur-t[aklak]
r.7 Assur-kalî-belu-iqiša Assur-[…]
r.8 Šamaš-andullašu Id[…]
r.9 [Ass]ur-ili-muballis[su]
r.10 [Ass]ur-šakin-le[ti]
r.11 Assur-[…]
Commentary
For the readings of these names see Frahm (1997: 212–13); Borger (1988: 8, 11); PNAE 1-1: 109, 189, 202, 216, 226; PNAE 3–1: 1115.
r. 5. For reading the name Le’iti-Assur, “Victory to Assur”; cf. PNAE 2-2: 663–64.
r. 7. Reading BA is a collation based on CDLI photos. For the reading of the name as Assur-kalî-belu-iqiša, “Assur has granted all things to the lord”; cf. PNAE 1-1: 171–74. Attempts by Borger (1988: 8) and Frahm (1997: 213) to reconstruct the second name in the line as IAŠ.ŠUR—n[a-din—MU] “Assur-nadin-šumi” or IAŠ.ŠUR—M[U—MU] “Assur-šumu-ušabši” cannot be substantiated from the tablet and remain speculative.
r. 8. The logogram AN.DÙL can also be read as ṣululu, making the name Šamaš-ṣululšu. See CAD Ṣ: 242–43.
r. 11. Borger (1988: 8) suggested that this line could be read as ⸢IAŠ.ŠUR⸣—PA[B—…] for Assur-aḫu-[iddina], that is, Esarhaddon. However, the signs are very indistinct, and while plausible this cannot be reconstructed with any certainty.
Abbreviations
ABC | Grayson, A. Kirk. 2000. Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. |
ABL | Harper, Robert Francis. 1892–1914. Assyrian and Babylonian Letters Belonging to the Kuyunjik Collections of the British Museum. 14 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. |
BATSH 6-2 | Radner, Karen. 2002. Die neuassyrischen Texte aus Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad. Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu vol. 6, Texte vol. 2. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag. |
BATSH 9-3 | Röllig, Wolfgang. 2008. Land- und Viehwirtschaft am Unteren Ḫābūr in mittelassyrischer Zeit. Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu vol. 9, Texte vol. 3. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. |
BNJ | Worthington, Ian, ed. 2021. Brill’s New Jacoby. Leiden: Brill, published online at: https://scholarlyeditions.brill.com/bnjo/ |
CAD | Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. 1956–2010. 21 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. |
CDLI | Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative database: http://cdli.ucla.edu. |
CTN 6 | Herbordt, Suzanne, Raija Mattila, Barbara Parker, John Nicholas Postgate, and Donald J. Wiseman. 2019. Documents from the Nabu Temple and from Private Houses on the Citadel. London: British Institute for the Study of Iraq. |
K. | Texts in the Kuyunjik Collection, British Museum. |
PNA | Radner, Karen and Heather D. Baker, eds. 1998–2017. The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. 3 vols. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. |
RGTC 5 | Nashef, Khaled. 1982. Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der mittelbabylonischen und mittelassyrischen Zeit. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag. |
RGTC 7/1 | Bagg, Ariel M. 2007. Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der neuassyrischen Zeit, Teil 1: Die Levante. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag. |
RGTC 7/2 | Bagg, Ariel M. 2017. Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der neuassyrischen Zeit, Teil 2: Zentralassyrien und benachbarte Gebiete, Ägypten und die arabische Halbinsel. 2 vols. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag. |
RIMA 1 | Grayson, A. Kirk. 1987. Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia BC (to 1115 BC). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. |
RIMA 2 | Grayson, A. Kirk. 1991. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC I (1114-859 BC). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. |
RIMA 3 | Grayson, A. Kirk. 1996. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858-745 BC). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. |
RINAP 2 | Frame, Grant. 2020. The Royal Inscriptions of Sargon II, King of Assyria (721-705 BC). University Park, PA: Eisenbrauns. |
RINAP 3 | Grayson, A. Kirk, and Jamie Novotny. 2012. The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704-681 BC). 2 vols. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. |
RINAP 4 | Leichty, Erle. 2011. The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria (680-669 BC). Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. |
RINAP 5/1 | Novotny, Jamie, and Joshua Jeffers. 2018. The Royal Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal (668-631 BC), Aššur-etel-ilāni (630-627 BC), and Sîn-šarra-iškun (626-612 BC), Kings of Assyria, Part 1. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. |
RINAP 5/2 | Novotny, Jamie, and Joshua Jeffers. 2019. The Royal Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal (668–631 BC), Aššur-etel-ilāni (630–627 BC), and Sîn-šarra-iškun (626–612 BC), Kings of Assyria, Part 2. Published online at http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/rinap/rinap5/rinap52/index.html. |
RINBE 2 | Weiershäuser, Frauke and Jamie Novotny. 2020. The Royal Inscriptions of Amēl-Marduk (561-560 BC), Neriglissar (559-556 BC), and Nabonidus (555-539 BC), Kings of Babylon. University Park, PA: Eisenbrauns. |
RIBo 7 | Frame, Grant, Rocío Da Riva and Jamie Novotny. 2022. “Babylon 7: The Inscriptions of the Neo-Babylonian Dynasty.” Published online at http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/ribo/babylon7/index.html |
SAA 1 | Parpola, Simo. 1987 The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part I: Letters from Assyria and the West. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 2 | Parpola, Simo, and Kazuko Watanabe. 1988. Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 3 | Livingstone, Alasdair. 1989. Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 4 | Starr, Ivan. 1990. Queries to the Sungod: Divination and Politics in Sargonid Assyria. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 6 | Kwasman, Theodore, and Simo Parpola. 1991. Legal Transactions of the Royal Court of Nineveh, Part I: Tiglath-pileser III through Esarhaddon. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 7 | Fales, Frederick Mario. 1992. Imperial Administrative Records, Part I: Palace and Temple Administration. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 8 | Hunger, Hermann. 1992. Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 9 | Parpola, Simo. 1997. Assyrian Prophecies. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. |
SAA 10 | Parpola, Simo. 1993. Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 11 | Fales, F.M. and J.N. Postgate. 1995. Imperial Administrative Records, Part II: Provincial and Military Administration. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 12 | Kataja, Laura, and Robert M. Whiting. 1995. Grants, Decrees and Gifts of the Neo-Assyrian Period. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 13 | Cole, Steven W., and Peter Machinist. 1998. Letters from Priests to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 14 | Mattila, Raija. 2002. Legal Transactions of the Royal Court of Nineveh, Part II: Assurbanipal through Sin-šarru-iškun. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 16 | Luukko, Mikko, and Greta Van Buylaere. 2002. The Political Correspondence of Esarhaddon. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 17 | Dietrich, Manfried. 2003. The Babylonian Correspondence of Sargon and Sennacherib. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 18 | Reynolds, Frances. 2003. The Babylonian Correspondence of Esarhaddon: And Letters to Assurbanipal and Sin-šarru-iškun from Northern and Central Babylonia. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. |
SAA 19 | Luukko, Mikko. 2012. The Correspondence of Tiglath-pileser III and Sargon II from Calah/Nimrud. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. |
SAA 20 | Parpola, Simo. 2017. Assyrian Royal Rituals and Cultic Texts. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. |
SAA 21 | Parpola, Simo. 2018. The Correspondence of Assurbanipal, Part I: Letters from Assyria, Babylonia and Vassal States. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. |
StAT 2 | Donbaz, Veysel, and Simo Parpola. 2001. Neo-Assyrian Legal Texts in Istanbul. Saarbrücken: SDV Saarbrücker Druckerei und Verlag. |
VAT | Texts held in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. |
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© 2023 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Knocking on Wood: Writing Boards in the Kassite Administration
- A New Reconstruction of the Reigns of Adad-nārārī II and Tukultī-Ninurta II in Light of Five Unattributed Royal Inscriptions
- Failed Coup: The Assassination of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon’s Struggle for the Throne, 681–680 B.C.
- Debt Bondage in Late Period Egypt (8th – 5th Century BC)
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Knocking on Wood: Writing Boards in the Kassite Administration
- A New Reconstruction of the Reigns of Adad-nārārī II and Tukultī-Ninurta II in Light of Five Unattributed Royal Inscriptions
- Failed Coup: The Assassination of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon’s Struggle for the Throne, 681–680 B.C.
- Debt Bondage in Late Period Egypt (8th – 5th Century BC)