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Interculturality and decision making: Pursuing jointness in online teams

  • Milene Mendes de Oliveira

    Milene Mendes de Oliveira is Postdoctoral Researcher at the University of Potsdam in Germany. She is currently a member of the third-party funded project ReDICo (Researching Digital Interculturality Co-operatively). Her research centers on intercultural communication, applied linguistics, digital communication, workplace interactions, and English as a lingua franca.

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    and Melisa Stevanovic

    Melisa Stevanovic is Associate Professor (tenure track) in social psychology at Tampere University and Docent in sociology at the University of Helsinki, Finland. She has conducted a series of studies on collaborative decision making in naturally occurring interaction and in experimental settings. Her research focuses on social interaction, conversation analysis, joint decision making, power, authority, inequalities, and interpersonal synchrony.

Published/Copyright: February 23, 2024
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Abstract

Current times call for continuous communication across countries, negotiations on several levels, and the creation of international relationships based on dialogue and participation. Those ideals are often pursued in intercultural communication contexts and written about, as a desideratum, in the Intercultural Communication literature. However, how can this be achieved concretely? In this article, we analyze how decisions are taken by newly founded intercultural teams of higher-education students playing a so-called intercultural game online via Zoom. The game revolves around the creation of a development plan for a fictitious city. In our study, we conducted a conversation-analytic investigation of decision-making processes by players oriented towards the ideal of ‘intercultural speakers’ as the ones mediating between different points of view and giving voice to all parties in an inclusive way. We illustrate our analysis with examples that range from unilateral decision making to decisions achieved through highly collaborative processes. We point to how expectations of inclusion-oriented interactional moves in intercultural situations are sometimes at odds with how these interactions and the related decision-making processes actually unfold.

1 Introduction

The severe global problems faced by several countries and populations in the last decades have been characterized as a polycrisis, a buzzword that represents the entanglement of several types of crises, from the climate catastrophe to social inequality and war. In this context, communication skills and intercultural competence (Deardorff 2009) have been recognized as crucial in facing the challenge of navigating different worldviews in ways that lead to intercultural understanding (Gadamer 2004 [1973]; Ladegaard and Phipps 2020; Marcet and Sasamoto 2023; Mendes de Oliveira and Wolf 2019). Different types of intervention have been proposed for the development of intercultural competence, such as study-abroad programs and story circles (Deardorff 2019). Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, online (or hybrid) interventions have become increasingly popular, such as virtual exchanges (O’Dowd 2021), dialogical techniques in intercultural webinar facilitation (Conti 2020), and intercultural games (Bolten and Berhault 2018; Conti et al. 2022; Rebane and Arnold 2021).

While all social interaction is permeated by normative assumptions about how social interaction should optimally unfold, it is in the above-mentioned interventions and situations in which people practice their social skills and intercultural competencies that the cultural ideals of “good” interaction are likely to become particularly salient. While the notion of “cultural ideals” refers to the normative elements shared in cultural groups (e.g., “cultural models, frames, and beliefs”, Kecskes 2014: 97), these ideals may be more or less tacit. Some of them are reflected in, for instance, explicit instructions given to the participants in certain interactional settings. Other ideals may be implicit, seen only in people’s orientations to their own and each other’s interactional conduct. In the context of intercultural communication, the notion of dialogue as the enabling mechanism toward the fusion of horizons of meaning of actors (Gadamer 2004 [1973]) has been emphasized on a theoretical level (Ladegaard and Phipps 2020).

Ideals of interaction do not always match the actual outcomes of interaction in real life (Butler 2023; Matthews 2009; Peräkylä and Vehviläinen 2003). One activity context in which this has been specifically shown to be the case is joint decision making, for example, in participatory design workshops (Heinemann et al. 2012), community-based mental health rehabilitation meetings (Valkeapää et al. 2019), and medical consultations (Pilnick 2022). Joint decision making is an activity that presupposes non-hierarchical relations and equal possibilities of participation. Still, the realization of such an outcome is a complex endeavor, which is not easy to cast as straightforward recommendations of good versus bad or right versus wrong interactional behaviors. In this paper, we consider the complexities associated with ideals of interaction, as we investigate participants’ attempts to reach joint decisions in the context of an intercultural intervention.

In the following, we first introduce the interculturality framework that orients both our study and the intercultural intervention being investigated, an intercultural game. After that, we present the phenomenon of joint decision making as an interactional achievement. This is followed by the section on methodology, where we give an overview of our dataset, which is comprised of video-conferencing encounters of nine intercultural groups working on the same task of the intercultural game. We also justify our choice of conversation analysis as the analytical method for our study. Subsequently, we show four cases that illustrate the most common decision-making processes found in our dataset, from unilateral decisions to different degrees and configurations of joint decisions.

2 Theoretical background

2.1 Interculturality and intercultural competence

In acknowledging the multiplicity and complexity of life-worlds comprised in the notion of ‘culture,’ Bolten (2007, 2015a) refers to two underlying concepts: culturality and interculturality. Culturality is defined as “familiar multiplicity” – in German, vertraute Vielfalt (Bolten 2015a: 118) – and denotes a situation in which individuals act within a field of action that is known and familiar to them; thus, they know the conventions of behavior and thought in this field of action and can easily make sense of words and actions employed and performed by other individuals. Interculturality, by contrast, is defined as “unfamiliar multiplicity” (from the German unvertraute Vielfalt) (Bolten 2015a: 118) and is experienced when individuals find themselves in situations where the frames of reference are strange (Schütz 1944) and cannot be grasped immediately. Thus, culturality and interculturality are to be understood as endpoints in a continuum, which presupposes the idea that actors are able to navigate culturality and interculturality and, crucially, turn the ‘intercultural’ into ‘cultural’ through learning conventions of the new field of action or even helping re-shape this field of action through the introduction of new practices and ways of thinking.

The definition of “interculturality” has undergone scientific reflections by several scholars in different disciplines. In the field of intercultural pragmatics, it has been defined as “a situationally emergent and co-constructed phenomenon that relies both on relatively definable cultural norms and models as well as situationally evolving features” (Kecskes 2014: 96). While the actual-situational context allows for all types of creativity and transformations, the cultural norms that guide speakers’ communicative conduct comprise not only lexical units and communicative styles associated with their first languages but also normative elements usually shared in their groups of origin.

In the field of Intercultural Learning and Education, the term has been used in connection to the overall goal of language learning of creating ‘intercultural speakers’, i.e., speakers able to mediate between different perspectives and cultures (Zhu 2018: 219). In this connection, Zhu (2018) explains that the notion of interculturality departs from static understandings of culture and emphasizes the emergent, interactional, and intersubjective nature of intercultural encounters.[1] Other approaches have highlighted the connection between interculturality and dialogue. For instance, Ladegaard and Phipps (2020) lean on Gadamer (2004 [1973]) to stress the idea of dialogue as potentially transformative when embracing the qualities of openness, trust, respect, and freedom of expression. It is through dialogue, which includes the willingness to redefine one’s own position, that “genuine understanding” of the “cultural Other” can happen (Ladegaard and Phipps 2020: 75; see also Mendes de Oliveira 2020b: 54–56; Mendes de Oliveira and Wolf 2019: 69–72). Similarly, leaning on the notion of ‘dialogue’ as an attitude, a vision, and an ideal, Conti (2012) explains it is characterized by flat hierarchy, active and balanced participation, and appreciation of diversity. It is this notion of dialogue as a vision that has informed several explanations of intercultural competence.

Definitions of intercultural competence have also stressed the importance of communication. For example, Deardorff defines it as “communication and behavior that is both effective and appropriate when interacting across difference” (Deardorff 2009 cited in Deardorff 2019: 5). Later, in keeping up with an increasingly relational orientation taken by more recent definitions of intercultural competence (in contrast to other approaches that stress the individual and cognitive skills an interculturally competent actor possesses), the author also explains that intercultural competencies are “about improving human interactions across difference, whether within a society (differences due to age, gender, religion, socio-economic status, political affiliation, ethnicity, and so on) or across borders” (Deardorff 2019: 5). Rathje also stresses the emergent and interactional side of intercultural competence when defining it as “the ability to transform a fleeting ‘interculture’, characterized by uncertainty, into an actual ‘culture’ (…) (Rathje 2007: 265)”. This definition is aligned with Bolten’s notions of culturality and interculturality.

Byram’s model of intercultural (communicative) competence, connected to the field of foreign language teaching and learning, has put forth the notion of the ‘intercultural speaker’ as the one who is able to communicate successfully in intercultural situations. Byram stresses that success is to be measured not only by the “effective exchange of information”, as has been majorly the case in models of language teaching but also “in terms of the establishing and maintenance of human relations” (Byram 2021: 43). The “skill of interaction” included in Byram’s model presupposes an intercultural speaker who establishes relationships, manages dysfunctions, and mediates between people of different origins and identities (Byram 2021: 49–50). However, how this ideal is reached in a concrete intercultural situation is an empirical question.

2.2 Joint decision making

Joint decision making involves a collaborative effort to establish “a commitment to future action” (Huisman 2001: 70). How participants coordinately end up reaching that commitment and how they position themselves at the different points of the decision-making process in relation to each other and to the planned action are questions at the heart of conversation-analytic research on joint decision making. This line of investigation has shown that the processes of reaching joint decisions in the turn-by-turn sequential unfolding of interaction are both orderly and complex endeavors.

Joint decision making involves participants making proposals for actions or events, while decisions emerge from the recipients’ acceptance of the proposals (Maynard 1984). What then counts as such an acceptance has been a topic of empirical investigation. When the proposed action is to be implemented in the here and now of the encounter, the emergence of a decision may necessitate a three-part sequence: proposal, acceptance, and acknowledgment (Houtkoop-Steenstra 1987). These proposals often have to do with the agenda of the ongoing interaction (Stevanovic et al. 2022). In these cases, it is first and foremost the participants’ compliance with the proposed agenda that marks the decision as established.

In contrast, proposals that have consequences reaching beyond the present encounter have been shown to necessitate more interactional work before a decision is established. Houtkoop-Steenstra (1987) described these proposal sequences as involving a five-part structure: proposal, acceptance, request for confirmation, confirmation, and acknowledgment. In a similar vein, Stevanovic (2012) suggested that joint decisions emerge when the recipients’ responses to proposals contain three components: a claim of understanding what the proposal is about (access), an indication that the proposed plan is feasible (agreement), and a demonstration of willingness to treat the decision as binding (commitment). If the recipient abandons the sequence before providing all these components, the proposal is de facto rejected, without the recipient needing to produce any explicit rejection of the proposal (on classic findings regarding the preference structure see Davidson 1984; Pomerantz 1984).

While reaching joint decisions is a complex process even in a dyad, it is still more intricate in settings with three or more participants. In formal multiparty decision-making contexts, there is often an explicitly appointed chairperson to exert power and control over what will be talked about and when and to facilitate the emergence of decisions (Angouri and Marra 2011; Boden 1995; Pomerantz and Denvir 2007). Also in informal multiparty decision-making contexts, certain participants spontaneously tend to occupy the role of the leader, while other participants seem to welcome such role-taking by endorsing it in and through their compliant behaviors (Nakayama et al. 2019; Stevanovic et al. 2022). In multiparty situations, it is then specifically the “leader” who plays a central role in influencing the extent to which the decisions established in the encounter may be considered genuinely joint decisions. In this paper, we use the terms leader and chairperson to indicate the person who manages the interactional agenda, independent of the formality of the context.

The leader’s central role in establishing joint decisions may be realized in four ways. First, the leader may act in ways that encourage the production of proposals by the entire group, thus pre-empting the scenarios of unilateral decision-making by one participant. Such encouragement involves not only explicit prompts for proposals and time allocated to their production but also positive, affective recognition of the participants’ ideas, which encourages further analogous contributions (Stevanovic et al. 2020). Second, the leader may determine the time at which to close down the ongoing decision-making sequence and move on to the next one. Thus, to ensure the emergence of a genuinely joint decision, the leader may slow down the pace of the unfolding activity to make sure that the decision does not become established before everyone has had the opportunity to contribute to it (Stevanovic et al. 2020). Third, the leader may make “agenda proposals” concerning the use of specific democratizing techniques such as brainstorming or voting, whose skillful and well-timed use may increase the level of the group’s participation (Matthews 2009). Fourth and finally, the leader may manage the “ownership” (Sharrock 1974) of the ideas discussed in the group, which happens implicitly in and through the specific ways in which the chairperson notes, refers to, and engages with these ideas (Stevanovic et al. 2020). A joint decision should, by definition, be something that the entire group can treat as its own (Salomaa and Lehtinen 2022) but, as we will show below, the management of ownership may also serve joint decision making in counterintuitive ways.

The achievement of joint decisions is not without complexities. Also, the role of the leader involves several paradoxes and dilemmas – ones in which the well-meant and ostensibly “good” practices of interaction lead to adverse outcomes, and vice versa. As we argue below, such paradoxes and dilemmas are an inherent part of all joint decision making, but they get a specific flavor and emphasis in intercultural situations specifically designed to advance participants’ intercultural competence.

3 Data and method

Our dataset comprises a game played in English as a lingua franca by higher-education students from different countries and institutions over the course of 5 Zoom sessions of 2 h each. The game Megacities, which revolves around the accomplishment of tasks towards the fulfillment of a joint goal (Bolten 2015b), was played 3 times by different groups. In each game, the overall group of students was divided into 3 sub-groups. The participants were from different higher-education institutions and were, at the point when the game started, taking courses addressing the topic of intercultural communication and English as a lingua franca. However, players from different universities only met each other upon the beginning of the game. This situation can be described as intrinsically intercultural, since students are confronted with unfamiliarity in relation to the participants from the other institutions.

Each sub-group represented a city with certain given characteristics but still without a name. We focused on the first task in the game in which each sub-group was supposed to choose a name for their city. For this task, students were equipped with a basic description of their city containing some information such as the number of inhabitants, main economic activities, etc. (see Figure 1 below). They were interacting on Zoom and were also using a collaborative white board (either Miro or Conceptboard). We analyzed 9 groups performing the same task. We were interested in understanding how the decision-making process was interactionally managed in each group.

Figure 1: 
First assignment in the kick-off session of the game.
Figure 1:

First assignment in the kick-off session of the game.

The dataset was analyzed with conversation analysis (Schegloff 2007; Sidnell and Stivers 2013). Conversation analysis is a qualitative, inductive approach to the analysis of the recurring interactional practices through which social actions are constructed in the turn-by-turn unfolding sequences of interaction. In this study, we first investigated the joint decision-making sequences of our data set on a case-by-case basis, focusing on the details of each sequence in its own right. Thereafter, we examined these sequences with respect to their similarities and differences. We paid specific attention to the ways of the chairperson to encourage the group’s participation, to formulate the proposals made by the participants, to respond to these proposals, and to establish the final decision of the group. The data extracts presented below have been selected based on their capacity to demonstrate the patterns that we identified through the analysis of the entire dataset.

4 Analysis

In this section, we depict the analysis of four sequences that exemplify recurring cases of decision-making processes that we found in the data, ranging from unilateral (Section 4.1) to more noticeably joint ones (Section 4.2). As an example of the former, we showcase a unilateral decision-making process where explicit agenda management with initiating leader participation can be evidenced. The latter cases show different practices used by participants in attempts to achieve ‘jointness’: explicit agenda management in response to group participation, explicit agenda management before group participation; and implicit agenda management with responsive leader participation. The excerpts took place at the beginning of the joint session, right after the students had been organized into subgroups.

4.1 Unilateral decision making

4.1.1 Explicit agenda management with initiating leader participation

As described above, participants are meeting for the first time with this group configuration, and they had just been given the assignments for the first session. Excerpt 1 represents the first exchanges within the group, right after a student assistant gave students technical instructions about this round of the game. At this moment, Tiina greets the other participants (line 1), thereby already adopting an active role in the management of the group’s agenda.

Excerpt 1: City 1 – Game 3
01 Tii >all right< .h hi everyone_
02 (2.0)
03 San hi:_
04 Lea hey_
05 Jan hi:_
06 Tii [oh i a]pologize >beforehand if i< my voice sounds a
07     bit weird
08 xxx [mh:   ]
09 Tii i was at the dentist_ and this side of my face is still kind
10 of numb_(2.0)((laughs))[so (that) ]’s a little bit_ (.)£sorry£
11 Lea             [(i hope xxx)]
12 (2.3)((all participants smile after Tiina’s turn))
13 Tii [but u:m] (2.0) should we like go down in ↑order: or:_ (1.0)
14 Lea [(xxx)]            
15 Tii [(assigning) a task ] (or:_)
16 Jan [(it’s best i think)]
17 (3.8)
18 Jan so i think <the first thing would be to> think about a name
19 right,
20 Tii mhmh:
21 Jan any: suggestions¿
22 (2.6)
23 Tii we do have a river:. (1.5)
24 Jan ye:s_
25 (7.0)
26 Tii hm::
27 (4.0)
28 Tii river city¿
29 (1.0)
30 Tii very original_ (1.0)
31 San i think it works_ (1.0)
32 Tii simple works_
33 San yeah_ (1.5)
34 Tii says a little bit- <about (.) the city:_> (2.0) should we go
35 with that, (.) <or do y-> does anyone have like £a better idea£
36 (.) or a more original name¿
37 Lea (great) idea we can_ (.) stick to river city_ hh
38 Jan yes
39 - ((all participants nod))
40 Tii okay (.) >do we have a place< to like put that down somewhere,
41 Jan yeah i think in the (.) wait_ (.) just like over here, ((shows
42 something on the Miro board))
43 Tii a[h: (.) okay  ]
44 Jan  [here you can] (xxx) it ((doing something on the Miro board)
45 (5.0) like this, #yeah# (.) right
46 Tii >all right< (.) next.

Tiina initiates the task by greeting colleagues (line 1), to which they respond (lines 3–5), and later providing an account of a physiological constraint she happens to experience at the time of the interaction (lines 6–7 & 9–10). Thereafter she laughs (line 10), which, in turn, is followed by all co-participants smiling in response (line 12). In overlap, Lea attempts to initiate a turn but abandons it (line 11). After Tiina’s turn, a silence of 2.3 s arises (line 12). Then, Tiina is again the one to propose a shift to the next topic, the actual game task (lines 13 & 15). Interestingly, her agenda management turn is designed in a way that renders the agenda open to discussion (with should we and the coordinating conjunction or) but, at the same time, it involves two specific proposals that call for the other participants’ agreement as the preferred response. Jana agrees with Tiina’s proposal (line 16). As Jana produces her turn in overlap with that of Tiina, it is possible that Tiina did not hear Jana’s agreement with her suggested line of action (to go down in order with the tasks).

After another silence (line 17), Jana proposes to start with the first task depicted on the collaborative board they are looking at (lines 18–19), thus agreeing with Tiina’s earlier proposal (line 13). After Tiina’s agreement token (mhmh, line 20), Jana asks for suggestions (line 21). In response, Tiina states a fact that they all know about their city (we do have a river, line 23), while the prolongation of the last syllable gives Tiina’s turn a flavor of “thinking out loud”. Tiina’s turn is responded to with an agreement token by Jana (line 24). This agreement token, also prolonged, seems to signal a lack of conclusiveness regarding the relevance of the statement for the current matter at hand. After a long silence (line 25), a token by which Tiina again “does thinking” (line 26), and yet another silence (line 27), Tiina makes a proposal (line 28). In response to the lack of recipient uptake (see the silence in line 29), Tiina produces an ironic evaluation of her proposal (line 30), a “post-proposal display of uncertainty” (Stevanovic 2015), orienting to the possibility that the proposal might get abandoned by others. Immediately thereafter, however, Tiina gets an agreeing response by Sanna (I think it works, line 31).

What is most important from the perspective of the degree of jointness of the group decision happens immediately after Sanna’s agreement: instead of seeking to engage the rest of the group to take a stance towards the idea, Tiina displays agreement with Sanna’s agreement, recycling her choice of the verb ‘work’ (simple works, line 32). In other words, by agreeing with Sanna, Tiina is endorsing her own proposal. Interestingly, as part of this sudden endorsement, Tiina reframes her previous (ironic) assessment of the proposal’s (lack of) “originality” (line 28) into a positive assessment about its “simplicity”, thus invoking another highly valued cultural ideal (Kecskes 2014: 97) to support her proposal. Afterwards, Tiina still asks the group if they agree with her proposal. However, by designing her utterances as polar questions (should we go with that, does anyone have a better idea, [does anyone have] a more original name?, lines 34–36), she marks the acceptance of her proposal as the only preferred response option. This seems to go counter the visions of intercultural openness mentioned above. The opportunity to make a competing proposal is offered only to those who are willing to claim that their proposals are better or more original than that of Tiina’s – a highly dispreferred action by which a speaker may be held particularly accountable. As expected, no competing proposal emerges. Instead, Lea agrees with Tiina’s proposal (line 37) and is followed by Jana (line 38), and the other participants nod in agreement (line 39). Finally, Tiina calls for her colleagues to commit to her proposal by asking where the newly chosen name can be written (line 40), thereby encouraging a colleague (Jana) to write the name down (lines 41–42 & 44–45).

In sum, in this sequence, preference is given to task completion over pursuing a truly joint decision. Despite some signs of an intercultural orientation to participation, dialogue, and openness (Ladegaard and Phipps 2020) displayed by Tiina – for instance, giving the group options regarding the agenda (line 13) and asking if colleagues agreed with her proposal (lines 34–36) –, overall the decision about the name of the city was taken unilaterally. This is because most of the steps that would be undertaken by proposal recipients in truly joint decisions, namely access, agreement, and commitment (see Section 2.2 above), were strongly pursued by Tiina. As unveiled in previous studies, if the leader is controlling the interactional agenda, they often exert control also over the contents of proposals (Stevanovic et al. 2022).

4.2 Towards joint decisions

In this section, we present sequences featuring different attempts to achieve joint decisions with different outcomes.

4.2.1 Explicit agenda management in response to group participation

In this group, students took the decision to start with a quick introduction by everyone (they talked briefly about their universities and study programs). Right afterwards, Lina takes up the role of chairperson by initiating the task we are interested in (lines 1–3).

Excerpt 2: City 2 – Game 1
01 Lin .h OKAY .h so:. we need to find a ↑name. (.) do you have an
02 idea_ <are there any:_> (.) or (.) is there anything that we
03 can all .h [agree on?   ]
04 Nat       [i had an idea] but_ (.) [i (had)   ]
05 Lin                  [(some simi]larities)
06 maybe?
07 (1.5)
08 Nat um: (.) so i was (.) thinking of like. (.) maybe using the
09 first cap- (.) uh the first letter of all of our (.) ↑first
10 ↑names_ (.) .h and i came_ (.) with the na:me (.) ((typing))
11 ↑nelsh, (.) £but i don’t know if that’s okay_ h£ ((laughs))
12 Sab [((laughs))          ]
13 Nat [£it sounds kind of weird. h£]
14 Sab ((laughs, 1.5)) (.) ne:lsh.
15 Nat [((laughs))        ]
16 Lin [i think it’s a good ↑idea_]
17 (1.8)
18 Nat or maybe we can just <arrange the letters_> (.) °i don’t know
19 that was the first one that came to mind
20 (1.5)
21 Han i think it’s cute. [((laughs))]
22 Nat [((laughs))] (.) .hh (i had) all our first
23 ↑names_ (.) uh first name ↑letters_ (.) or w- (.) we just (.)
24 can (.) <take any:thing else.> (.) #that was just my first
25 idea.#
26 (1.0)
27 Lin .h well actually #i- i# think it’s very ↑good. (.) so: ((thumb
28 up)) (.) .h maybe we can ↑VOTE_ (.) .h we [can use  ] the (Zoom)
29 <↑signs_> (1.0)
30 Nat                     [oh yeah.]
31 Lin maybe raise your hand if you are okay with it: (.)
32 Nat [((laughs))]
33 Lin [#nelsh.#   ]
34 Nat #nelsh.# ((laughs)) .hh (.) or maybe nelsh <bay:.> (.) i mean.
35 <or> we <just_> (.) use a LATI:N_ (.) #uh:# translation <fo:r>
36 what our city has to stand ↑for, (.) like if we say:_ our
37 city:_ (.) has to be known <for> (.) uh: (.) agriculture and
38 tourism and we just uh: translate it to another language and
39 see if that’s. (.) #↑fitting#
40 Sab WHAT’s the latin word for horse_ (.) because they are into
41 horse riding. (.) right,
42 (1.8)
43 Nat um:: (.) OH YEAH RIGHT. .h
44 (1.0)
45 Sab so maybe we can use that one.
46 Nat °yeah_°
47 (1.0)
48 Sab let me check it. (.)
49 Nat #yeah.#=
50 Sab =(uhm:) (2.0) un- unless somebody DISagrees_ (.) uhm ((using
51 her computer, 4.0)) ↑hm::. (3.0)
52 Lin [(xxx)  ]
53 Eev [i think  ] that nelsh_ (.) is cute h_ ((smiles)) hh (.)
54 Lin yeah_ (.) .hh i would stick with uh: (.) nelsh as well. (1.0)
55 Sab ↑okay_ (.)
56 Lin maybe the first guess is sometimes the best. (1.0)
57 Nat ((laughs, 3.0))
58 Lin .h (.) okay:. (.) .h and i think four of us already voted_ so:
59 (1.5) that will be_ (1.2) .h <°nelsh.°> ((writing it down))
60 Sab the city of nelsh_
61 Lin ehm: (.) should we write it on the miro ↑board, (.) ↑already?
62 (2.0)
63 Sab yeah_
64 (3.0)
65 Lin #name of the city_# (1.2) #perfect.# (.)
66 Nat SOUNDS kind of irish_ (.) i don’t know.
67 Han ↑yeah_

This sequence starts with Lina stating the task described on the Miro board and asking colleagues for proposals (lines 1–3). The turn involves several self-corrections and restarts, which reveal difficulty in finding a perfect way to initiate a democratic decision-making process. These difficulties reveal Lina’s underlying orientation to a need of social inclusion in this intercultural scenario (is there anything that we can all agree on, lines 2–3). After some interactional disturbances with overlaps (lines 3–5), Natalie gives a suggestion concerning a possible name for the city, Nelsh (I was thinking of like maybe using (…) the first letters of all of our first names and I came [up] with the name Nelsh, lines 8–11), followed by a post-proposal display of uncertainty (but I don’t know if that’s okay, line 11). It should be noted that the name she chose seems to orient to the possibility of creating a team spirit, which could serve as a first step towards intercultural understanding. However, the only actual response to Natalie’s proposal at this point is Sabine’s laughter (line 12). This lack of uptake by the group can be interpreted as an indication that the other players are not that far yet with the team spirit forged by Natalie’s contribution. Then, another display of uncertainty happens with Natalie possibly orienting to her own suggestion as problematic, though with a laughing voice (it sounds a bit weird, line 13).

Lina evaluates the proposal (I think it’s a good idea, line 16), but this is followed by silence (line 17), which might have been oriented to by Natalie as an indication of disagreement by the rest of the group. Subsequently, Natalie produces an alternative proposal (maybe we can just rearrange the letters, line 18), another post-proposal display of uncertainty (I don’t know, line 18), and a reference to a prior cognitive activity (see Stevanovic 2013) as a way of accounting for the original proposal (that was the first one that came to mind, line 19). Another silence emerges and is followed by Hanne’s evaluation (I think it’s cute, line 21), after which Natalie provides another account (lines 22–23).

Despite her own positive evaluation of the proposal (line 27), Lina suggests putting Natalie’s name proposal to a vote (lines 28–29). Lina’s attempt to explicitly address the interactional agenda in the middle of the discussion may be seen to arise from the democratic ideal sketched earlier (anything we can all agree on, lines 2–3). However, from an interactional point of view, the proposal to vote seems to imply that there are disagreements with the (only) concrete proposal so far, thus highlighting the possibility of misalignment within the group. Furthermore, by orienting to Lina’s proposal in a dry and highly procedural manner, she entirely bypasses the affective and group-spirit fostering implications of Natalie’s proposal.

After Lina’s suggestion (lines 28–29) and further pursuit of the voting project (line 31), Natalie continues presenting alternative proposals (lines 34–39). Sabine takes up one of Natalie’s suggestions (to translate a word into another language) and starts building on it (lines 40–41). From there, Sabine and Natalie iterate in a process of creating an alternative proposal. At this point, Sabine checks for the absence of group disagreement (unless somebody disagrees, line 50) as a basis to move forward with the new proposal. In this way, she takes control over the agenda of interaction, while still complying with the dialogic ideal of intercultural understanding. At this point, however, Eeva reinvokes the first proposal by assessing the suggested name as cute (line 53), which is followed by Lina agreeing (line 54) and Sabine conceding (okay, line 55). Thereafter Lina makes a generic assessment about the “first” proposal (maybe the first guess is sometimes the best, line 56), thus both orienting to there having been multiple proposals in the air and anticipating the approaching end of the sequence. She also refers to the results of the voting on the Zoom (four of us already voted, line 58), which does not appear in the recording but which seems to be oriented to as a resource to highlight the democratic and consensual leaning of the decision.

Thus, Lina shows several indications that reaching a consensus is on her own agenda as a leader in this task. However, moderating proposals and encouraging participation are tricky tasks as they involve finding the balance between supporting proposal-makers through legitimization of their proposals and ensuring that the most people have a say in the group decision. Thus, we can see an explicit orientation towards participation and inclusion which is realized as an unwieldy attempt towards agenda management after the first proposal has already been issued. Such an interactional move can compromise the immediate affective recognition of the proposal as valid and worth proposing. Previous research has pointed out that it is in online interactions in particular where the accomplishment of goal-oriented tasks may be associated with difficulties to express affection and solidarity (Conti et al. 2022; Stevanovic et al. 2020). In this case specifically, Natalie’s proposal was responded to with low emotional engagement and put to a vote. Even if her proposal was later established as accepted by the group, its initial recognition was hampered. Interestingly, and paradoxically, this hampering happened in the name of participation, inclusion, and democratic practices – those very ideals that are assumed to be the basis for the establishment of human relations that lead to intercultural understanding. Even though this is not part of the analysis presented above, there are indications that the players in this group had a hard time developing connections with each other: Natalie abandoned the game in the middle, and Sabine reported, in the last round of the game, that she often felt uneasy in interactions with the group.

4.2.2 Explicit agenda management before group participation

In this group, the task initiation is undertaken by Jia (line 1) and continued by Emma, who turns out to play an important role in the agenda management of the group, taken up at the very beginning of the task (lines 3–8).

Excerpt 3: City 1 – Game 2
01 Jia so_ first of all. (.) we should name of- our city:_
02 Cla mm hm_
03 Emm yeah.° (.) .h (.) <and_> (.) maybe we should just do a brain
04 (.) s- storming¿ (.) as we have done like h (.) you know, with
05 the post its? (.) um: in the introduction (.) session¿ (.) <and
06 then> (.) so that everyone_ (.) can: (.) give their ideas (.)
07 on post its, (.) .h and then we can vo:te¿ (.) [((laughs))] (.)
08 [£i mean.£]
09 Jia                   ((nods)) [yeah_     ]
10 [okay.    ]
11 Emm (xxx) it’s super simple to do like this. but. hh((shoulder
12 shrug))what do you think. h
13 (2.0)
14 Cla ((nodding)) <SOUNDS (.) goo:d.> (.) #i like this idea.#
15 (2.3)
16 Emm .h ↑okay.
((Lines 17-102 with technical discussion omitted))
103 Emm we miss actually one person ↑right, (1.5)
104 Jia yeah.°
105 Cla correct yeah we’re just missing like two tally marks <from:_>
106 Emm (.) yeah_
107 Cla #yeah_# (2.0)
108 Jia it seems like kingdom of woman_ (.) >wins.< ((smiles))
109 Cla ((laughs, 1.5)) kingdom of women (.) #i love it.# (.)
110 Emm (have)
111 (4.0)
112 Cla #yeah_# ((counting, 4.0))
113 yeah:_ (.) okay. (1.0) somebody didn’t (.) <↑ v ote> (.) ↑though,
114 Xxx yeah.°
115 Cla so: (2.0) i just wanted to make sure that everybody gets a say
116 but we do kind of need to move [<on>  ] #a little bit.#
117 Jia                [yeah.]
118 Cla .hh is everybody in- (.) in agreement and okay with kingdom of
119 women,
120 Jia ↑YES. ((thumbs up))
121 Emm <yeah.>
122 Cla as the name,
123 Jia °yeah.°=
124 Cla =if you: if you have a problem with kingdom of women now is
125 your t- is your chance. (.) .h [to:_  ] (.) °yeah,°
126 Jia                [mm hm.]
127 Cla ((laughs)) (1.5)
128 Emm okay cool.
129 Cla great. (.) okay kingdom ofwomen. [((laughs))] ((raises
130 hands))
131 Emm                  [↑UHUU::.   ]
132 Jia ((claps))
133 Cla ((shaking arms in the air)) .h ↑UHUU:. .h
134 Emm OKAY guys. (.) now we only have only:. (.) eight minutes and
135  fifty seconds for the:. (.) second (.) TASK_

This sequence starts with Jia initiating the activity by restating to the other players what the task is about (as shown on the Miro board they are all sharing, line 1), which is responded to by Claire and Emma (mmhm and yeah, lines 2 & 3). Emma then proposes how they can go about solving this task (lines 3–8). She suggests to write down proposals for city names on Miro’s sticky notes (post-its) as a brainstorming activity which would be followed by a voting session. Jia agrees with Emma’s agenda-management proposal (lines 9–10). Emma herself once more underlines the simplicity of her proposal (line 11) before asking the group’s opinion about it (what do you think?, line 12). Claire agrees with the proposal, too (line 14), and the participants proceed with the voting.

After the discussion of some technical issues related to voting (lines 17–102; not shown in the transcript), most of the participants have drawn tally marks on their two preferred suggestions on their Miro board (see Figure 2 below). Emma observes that the vote by one of the participants is missing (line 103), to which Jia orients, however, only minimally (with a low-pitched yeah, line 104), while Claire elaborates on Emma’s remarks but withdraws from stating the name of the participant who did not vote (line 105). Then, Jia shifts the topic to the presentation of the results of the voting process, in which the name ‘Kingdom of Women’ was chosen for the fictitious city. Claire responds to this turn by laughing, repeating the name chosen for the city, and evaluating it (I love it, line 109). However, after Emma’s abandoned turn-initiation (line 110), which is followed by a 4-second-long silence (line 111), Claire returns to the topic of the voting process and counts the number of votes on the board again (line 112). She also makes participation in the voting process relevant (somebody didn’t vote though, line 113). She subsequently provides an account and a justification for not pursuing this topic further in favor of task completion (lines 115–116). Jia shows agreement (line 117) and Claire asks all colleagues whether they agree with the name ‘Kingdom of Women’ (lines 118–119). Jia and Emma agree, but, at this point, the other participants are not any longer visible on camera, and they haven’t expressed their stance toward the idea. Thus, in her following turn (line 124), Claire gives these participants a last chance to come in and participate in the discussion. Emma’s turn (okay, cool, line 128), with falling intonation, suggests that the decision is established and the sequence is about to come to a close. After this, Claire evaluates the results of the voting process again (great), repeats the chosen name for the city, and celebrates it with raised hands and other gestures (lines 129–130). She is joined by Jia, who claps in agreement (see Figures 3 and 4 below). Emma is not on camera at this point but her celebration (uhuu, line 131) can be heard. Thus, multiple participants engage in emotional work to celebrate the winning proposal of the group.

Figure 2: 
Final version of Activity 1 on the Miro board.
Figure 2:

Final version of Activity 1 on the Miro board.

Figure 3: 
“Okay, Kingdom of Women”
Figure 3:

“Okay, Kingdom of Women”

Figure 4: 
“Uhuu”.
Figure 4:

“Uhuu”.

What was different in this case, compared to Excerpt 2, is the clear separation between the agenda proposals (the ones related to the voting process) and the content proposals (the actual name choices). Concerning intercultural ideals, the very choice to start the activity with such an agenda proposal reveals an orientation to openness and freedom of expression, which has been suggested to lead to genuine understanding of the “cultural Other” (Ladegaard and Phipps 2020: 75). The overall decision-making process was relatively slow, which already in itself enables greater group participation. Most importantly, however, the key tasks related to the process were distributed among the participants: Emma managed the agenda; Jia announced the results of the voting process; and Claire assessed the resulting name choice and initiated the celebration of the collaborative decision. As a result, the decision established was a genuine collaborative achievement – even though it was only three participants who were actively sharing the responsibility for the decision.

4.2.3 Implicit agenda management with responsive leader participation

Here, the task is initiated by Lene, who produces a rather open agenda-management turn in which she asks the other players which task they would like to take up first (lines 1–3). She provides the group with two alternatives: task 1, which has to do with city names (the one we are interested in), or task 2, which has to do with distributing roles in the game.

Excerpt 4: City 3 – Game 1
01 Len .h (.) okay so:. uhm: (.) <should we firs t > (.) think about a
02 name¿ (.) for: uhm: (.) our city, (.) or: do we wanna focus on
03 the skills first. h
04 (2.2)
05 Wai maybe for the::_ ((laughs)) .h name of (.) our <city:¿> (.) do
06 WE have a specific ↑name for the city_ (.) or: just (city
07 three.)
08 (2.5)
09 Len eh:m we- we c- uh i think we can uh:: (.) <just> think of a
10 name_ (.) tha:t uhm: (.) >yeah.< (.) we can just (.) choose_
11 (.) a random name i guess. ((smiles)) .h so that we don’t have
12 to call it city three hh £all the£ time. (0.8) uhm: (.) .h i
13 don’t know (.) #uh# (.) i don’t know if we can already see the
14 presentation <that> (.) NAME shared in this ↑session, (.)
15 because (.) i don’t remember the characteristics of our ↑city_
16 (.) so_ (.) >i don’t know.< (.) we- (.) i mean. (.) we can also
17 think of something:_ (.) completely:_ uhm:: (.) .hh (.) ↑new_
18 (.) but we:_ (.) °yeah.° (.) could also uhm: (.) <include>
19 something of the: characteristics (.) probably_ (.) .hhh
((Lines 20-119 with the reading of city description omitted))
120 Len <well_> (.) something_ (.) that i understood was that_ (.) our
121 city_ (.) is famous for ↑wine_ (.) hh £so:£ (.) i don’t know.
122 (.) probably we could_ (.) hh £include that.£ (.) in the name_
123 (.) i don’t know_ ((smiles)) .hh (.) [might be:_]
124 Yan                   [(that was)]
125 [(xxx)  ] service_
126 Len [a plan_]
127 (1.0)
128 Yan <food and drinks.> (.) .hh (1.0)
129 Len yeah_ (.) ↓oh didn’t (you) say (.) wine¿ (0.5)
130 Yan yeah_ (.) and also #↑wine.# (.) especially is ↑wine_ (2.8)
131 hm::° (3.0) (°okay°) (9.0)
((Lines 132-138 with a side sequence omitted))
139 Yim so:_° it is famous fo:r_ (.) ↑wi:ne_ (.) so: maybe: (.) .h
140 (.) hm: (1.0) <something related_> (.) something relate to
141 wi:ne¿ (.) like (.) a wine’s name_ (.) .h (1.8)
142 Len <yeah_> [that would also] be_ ((smiles)) hh (.)
143 Zho      [(xxx)     ]
144 Len my idea [like (.) i don’t-] (.) i don’t know_ (.) ((smiles))
145 Zho     [(and) the city_  ]
146 – ((other players smile))
147 Len ↓oh (.) s- (.) hh ((smiles))
148 Zho £sorry_£ [((laughs))]
149 Len      [(wait_)   ]
150 Zho [and the city is] (.) <located on: a> hillside_
151 Len [(uh (.) i- i-)  ]
152 Zho so we <can> #maybe_# (.) add <#some_#> ((looks down)) (.)
153 Yim .hh ((smiles))
154 Len we could just say (.) £wi-£ ↑wine ↑hill_ or ↑something_ hh
155 i mean_ (.) that’s not super creative (.) but=
156 Yim =eh (.) yeah (.) ↑okay_
157 Wai £agree£ hh
158 Len ↑oh_
159 Zho ↑oh
160 Len i think_ (.) uh: (.) <hong> you wrote (.)
161 burgundy:_ (.) oh i like that_ (.) ((smiles)) hh
162 Yim okay_
163 Wai is that, [(xxx xxx)  ]
164 Yim     [then let’s] call it burg- ((laughs)) £then let’s£
165 call it burgundy_ (.) okay_ (1.5) (then_) (.) #<just_>#
166 Len <yeah_> (.) is- is everyone fine with ↑that, (1.2) or .h
167 Hon yeah_ [is_]
168 Len     [i-  ] i think it’s (.) [cool_  ]
169 Hon            famous [french_ ] (.) WINE_ ((laughs)) .h
170 Len yeah_ is- is super cool idea_ ((laughs)) (1.0)
171 Yim <okay_> (2.0)
172 xxx #yeah and just_#
173 Wai oh ((technical issue)) who can:_ ehm: (.) hm
174 Yim (i) #can just_# (1.0)(paste it) (.)[o:n] the [conceptboard_ ]
175 Len                  [i-  ]   [i think i can:  ]
176 (.) yeah i think i can: type it <in there¿>
177 Yim <okay_>
178 Len ((types and reads burgundy)) °oh° (.) °okay_° .hh hm (1.0)
179 alright_ (4.5) cool_ (5.0)

In response to Lene’s agenda-management turn (lines 1–3), Wai asks a clarification question (lines 5–7), to which Lene responds (lines 9–12). After that, Lene refers to the presentation the instructor shared during the instructor’s introduction to the game and to the fact she and her classmates still do not have access to the materials they need to be able to undertake this task (lines 13–19).

After the reading of the city description (lines 20–119, not shown in the transcript), Lene reinitiates the discussion around a proper name for the city by referring back to the aspect of wine mentioned in the description (lines 120–121). This serves as a pre-sequence to her proposal to include ‘wine’ in the name of the city (line 122). Lene’s proposal is preceded and followed by displays of uncertainty (I don’t know, lines 121 & 123) and a framing that underlines the tentative nature of the proposal (might be a plan, lines 123 & 126). Yan makes another reference to the city description (food and drinks, line 128). After a side sequence (lines 132–138; not shown in the transcript), Yim appears to repeat Lene’s proposal on what the name should contain (something related to wine, line 140–141) but adds a new piece to it (i.e., not only something related to wine but also perhaps a wine’s name, line 141).

What happens next involves an intriguing negotiation of ownership of proposals and rights to display uncertainty in their evaluation. First, Lene casts Yim’s proposal as identical to her earlier proposal (lines 142 & 144). However, just like in her first introduction of the idea of using wine as part of the city name, she displays uncertainty about the idea (I don’t, I don’t know, line 144). After some smiles are shared in the group (line 146), Zhong brings in new information about the city (the city is located on a hillside, line 150) and proposes adding something related to this to its name. Based on this, Lene comes up with a proposal (we could just say Wine Hill or something, line 154), but again she proceeds with a post-proposal display of uncertainty (that’s not super creative, line 155). While doubting the worth of other people’s proposals would certainly be associated with face-threat, this seems not to be the case here. In both of her displays of uncertainty, Lene has first claimed ownership of the idea and only thereafter displayed uncertainty. When previously displaying doubt with Yim’s idea of referring to wine in the city name (lines 142 & 144) and when now evaluating the addition of hill to wine, as suggested by Zhong, as “not super creative”, she is in fact evaluating her own ideas (lines 122 & 154). In this way, Lene gives room for the participants to come up with yet other proposals, even if Yim and Wai seem to agree with her most recent proposal (lines 156–157).

At this point, something unexpected happens, as indicated by Lene’s change-of-state token (oh, line 158), which is repeated by Zhong (line 159). As Lene subsequently announces, another participant, Hong, has written “Burgundy” in the chat (line 160–161), which in this context is to be treated as a proposal for the name of the city. This is followed by a positive evaluation (line 161) and displays of agreement (lines 162 & 164–165). Afterwards Lene seeks approval by other group members (is everyone fine with that?, line 166). Hong accounts for his proposal, invoking its relationship to Yim’s earlier suggestion (a wine’s name, line 141) and explaining that this is the name of a famous French wine (line 169). This account is followed by Lene, Yim, and someone else who does not appear on camera reinforcing their support to Hong’s proposal (lines 170–172). Wai initiates the dealings around writing the name onto the collaborative board the group is sharing (line 173), marking the group’s commitment to the decision.

In this excerpt, several features highlight the collaborative character of the decision-making process and, in this way, also an underlying orientation to openness as an intercultural ideal. First, Lene opens the interaction by asking the group which task they would like to take up first, thus managing the interactional agenda in a rather collaborative way (should we think about … or do we wanna focus on … ?, lines 1–3). She launches a proposal on what the city name could possibly contain, instead of making a name suggestion, which is the final aim of the game task. The practice chosen by Lene is collaborative in that it invites others to make the actual proposal. Also other group members (Yim and Zhong) end up using the same practice. When Lene has gathered initial agreement to her proposal, she is very fast in abandoning it in favor of Hong’s name proposal. As soon as the proposal “Burgundy” shows in the chat, Lene evaluates it promptly and immediately asks for the group’s agreement (is everyone fine with that?, line 166). Such immediate endorsement of a competing proposal over a current one would have been a face-threatening move to make, had not Lene first claimed ownership of the proposal to be abandoned. Now, Lene is active in promoting the one and only proposal that she is not the owner of, which only underlines the collaborative character of the decision-making process and a genuine orientation to the cultural Other.

5 Discussion

Having shown cases of decision making ranging from unilateral to joint ones, some features can be compared throughout the examples that seem to highlight their uncollaborative and collaborative aspects. First, we may ask: how does the leader encourage the production of proposals by the entire group? In Excerpt 1, even though Tiina does open the floor for discussion at some points, the design of her turns usually constrains the type of response her proposals can get. For instance, by not presenting an alternative to the course of action she proposes first (go down in order assigning a task), she strongly invites agreement as a response to her turn:

13 Tii [but u:m] (2.0) should we like go down in ↑order: or:_ (1.0)
14 Lea [(xxx)            ]
15 Tii [(assigning) a task]        (or:_)
16 Jan [(it’s best i think)      ]

This can be compared to Lene’s first move in the task in Excerpt 4:

01 Len .h (.) okay so:. uhm: (.) <should we first> (.) think about a
02 name¿ (.) for: uhm: (.) our city, (.) or: do we wanna focus on
03 the skills first. h

By offering the alternative to take up the city-name activity (focus on the skills first, with which Lene refers to the second task depicted on the virtual board), Lene seems to set up the tone for further collaborative interactions in the group.

The second question we can ask is: how does the leader determine the time to close the decision making sequence? This is relevant, because this has an impact on giving everybody a chance to express their thoughts and participate thoroughly in a discussion. While in Excerpt 1, the move to a sequential close is initiated by Tiina, the very person who made the proposal in the first place, in all other excerpts this is done by somebody else.

37 Lea (great) idea we can_ (.) stick to river city_ hh
38 Jan yes
39 – ((all participants nod))
40 Tii okay (.) >do we have a place< to like put that down somewhere,
41 Jan yeah i think in the (.) wait_ (.) just like over here, ((shows
42 something on the Miro board))
43 Tii a[h: (.) okay ]

In Excerpt 3, this closing down of the sequence is explicitly addressed by the leader, who thereby stresses her orientation towards giving everybody a chance to participate in the discussion:

112 Cla #yeah_# ((counting, 4.0))
113 yeah:_ (.) okay. (1.0) somebody didn’t (.) <↑ v ote> (.) ↑though,
114 Xxx yeah.°
115 Cla so: (2.0) i just wanted to make sure that everybody gets a say
116 but we do kind of need to move [<on>  ] #a little bit.#
117 Jia                [yeah.]

Third, we may also question: does the leader make agenda proposals concerning the use of democracy-fostering interactional techniques? In Excerpt 2 and 3, there is a notable attempt to use what may be considered a key democratic technique of participation: voting (Serota and O’Doherty 2022). However, this is done in very different ways: In Excerpt 2, the leader initiates agenda management in response to a proposal that had already been made:

22 Nat [((laughs))] (.) .hh (i had) all our first
23 ↑names_ (.) uh first name ↑letters_ (.) or w- (.) we just (.)
24 can (.) <take any:thing else.> (.) #that was just my first
25 idea.#
26 (1.0)
27 Lin .h well actually #i- i# think it’s very ↑good. (.) so: ((thumb
28 up)) (.) .h maybe we can ↑VOTE_ (.) .h we [can use  ] the (Zoom)
29 <↑signs_> (1.0)
30 Nat                     [oh yeah.]
31 Lin maybe raise your hand if you are okay with it: (.)
32 Nat [((laughs))]
33 Lin [#nelsh.#   ]

The voting was aimed at agreeing or disagreeing with a previously made name proposal, which seems to come off as a rather ungainly idea, since it could be potentially face-threatening to the proposal maker and yield no useful result (since there was no alternative name suggestion that could be chosen instead). In Excerpt 3, however, the option to vote was presented before any suggestions were made, in a rather ‘neutral ground’:

03 Emm yeah.° (.) .h (.) <and_> (.) maybe we should just do a brain
04 (.) s- storming¿ (.) as we have done like h (.) you know, with
05 the post its? (.) um: in the introduction (.) session¿ (.) <and
06 then> (.) so that everyone_ (.) can: (.) give their ideas (.)
07 on post its, (.) .h and then we can vo:te¿ (.) [((laughs))] (.)
08 [£i mean.£]
09 Jia                   ((nods)) [yeah_    ]
10 [okay.   ]
11 Emm (xxx) it’s super simple to do like this. but. hh((shoulder
12 shrug))what do you think. h
13 (2.0)
14 Cla ((nodding)) <SOUNDS (.) goo:d.> (.) #i like this idea.#
15 (2.3)
16 Emm .h ↑okay.

In this case, the voting strategy seemed to be successful in that it did not come at the expense of the validity of a proposal nor proposal-makers’ affective concerns. In this situation, no proposal was at stake at the point when the technique was suggested.

Finally, we may ask: how does the leader manage ownership of ideas in the process? This question is relevant because intuitive notions of true dialogue might be implicitly linked to interactional conditions in which everyone has the right to present their own ideas and get this ownership acknowledged – and, in the best case – appreciated – by others. However, as we saw in Excerpt 4, we have an intriguing case of a chairperson taking the ownership of another player’s idea (to add ‘hill’ to the already-suggested noun ‘wine’ in the name of the city) and subsequently rejecting it (that’s not super creative), exactly because she orients to this as her own idea:

150 Zho [and the city is  ] (.) <located on: a> hillside_
151 Len [(uh (.) i- i-) ]
152 Zho so we <can> #maybe_# (.) add <#some_#> ((looks down)) (.)
153 Yim .hh ((smiles))
154 Len we could just say (.) £wi-£ ↑wine ↑hill_ or ↑something_ hh
155 i mean_ (.) that’s not super creative (.) but=
156 Yim =eh (.) yeah (.) ↑okay_
157 Wai £agree£ hh

This claim of ownership can also be evidenced by Lene’s immediate abandonment of this proposal as soon as another idea is presented by somebody else (Burgundy, the city name the group settles for).

In answering the four questions above, we were able to classify Excerpt 1 as one in which the decision-making process was done in a rather unilateral manner. In addition, we want to argue that Excerpts 2, 3, and 4 can be placed in a continuum of jointness. This more or less distributed/participatory character of the decision-making process is strongly related to the interactional resources players resorted to in their attempt to achieve ‘jointness’. In Excerpt 2, a strong rational orientation towards the jointness of the decision was identified, however, the interactional achievement of the desired jointness is hampered by the introduction of an otherwise democratic technique (voting). This problem is connected to the timing and order of the voting procedure in the interaction (implemented after a first name proposal had already been made). In Excerpt 3, players also use voting as a strategy but in a more skillful way. The voting technique was proposed at the very beginning of the interaction and led to a distributed decision-making process, despite the lack of participation of a group member. Finally, Excerpt 4 exemplifies a process in which ‘jointness’ was achieved most clearly. In this excerpt, instead of proposing concrete names for the fictitious city in the game, the chairperson starts by proposing words that the name could contain. This practice was later used also by other participants in the group. At the end, the chairperson takes up a suggestion by another participant, immediately dismissing another proposal she had made herself, thus very clearly distributing the responsibility for the outcome of the group’s decision-making process.

6 Conclusions

In this article, we set out to investigate how the decision-making process was interactionally managed in intercultural groups meeting online for the first time against the backdrop of interculturality and ideals of intercultural communication. We considered how the chairpersons in an intercultural game encouraged the group’s participation, how they formulated proposals by the participants, how they responded to the participants’ proposals, and how they established the final decisions of the groups. We showed four cases of decision-making processes which we ordered from the ones evidencing the lowest to the highest degree of jointness.

As explained above, intercultural scenarios are characterized by unfamiliarity. It is through creating routines of action and behavior that familiarity (culturality) can arise (Bolten 2015a). In the initial moments of the intercultural game, the players in our study – and especially the leaders of sub-groups in the game – can be assumed to be actively engaged in the search for interactional practices that are accepted in the group and that help them conclude the assigned tasks and increase their intercultural competencies. These leaders attempt to represent the “intercultural speaker”, who is fluent in the so-called “skill of interaction,” which presupposes establishing relationships, managing dysfunctions, and mediating between people of different origins and identities (Byram 2021: 49–50). In this vein, joint decision making is a high-stakes activity as, theoretically, having an equal ‘say’ upon decisions can only be achieved in a scenario of intercultural understanding, a situation where hierarchy-free dialogue enables the fusion of horizons of meaning of participants (Gadamer 2004 [1973]).

Following such ideals, most leaders in the analyzed excerpts seem to be oriented towards the maximization of participation in decision-making processes, through explicit (is there anything we can all agree on?; I just wanted to make sure that everybody gets a say) but also implicit agenda-management practices (should we … or do we wanna …). However, our analyses showed that this orientation alone cannot ‘do the whole job’ of creating interactional practices conducive of democratic ideals of participation, as ideals of interaction do not always match with what the outcomes of interaction look like in real life (Matthews 2009; Peräkylä and Vehviläinen 2003). For instance, when proposing to use voting, a tool for supporting democratic decision-making processes (Serota and O’Doherty 2022), the leader in one of the groups (in Excerpt 2) ends up hampering the jointness of the process.

Intercultural competencies are assumed to be “about improving human interactions across difference” (Deardorff 2019: 5). However, how can one improve human interactions if one mainly counts on normative assumptions of good intercultural interactions? A striking example from our data concerns how the ownership of ideas is dealt with in complex ways in decision-making in one of the groups. In the case in point (Excerpt 4), the leader takes ownership of a fellow-student’s proposal. Taking ownership of somebody’s ideas can be assumed to go counter the normative assumptions of intercultural interaction as open and truly dialogic in nature. However, managing ownership in that way allowed the leader to reject a proposal (in fact made by another student but perceived as based on her own previous proposal) in favor of an idea of another fellow student and to gather group approval for it. The interactional negotiation of the ownership of ideas has been shown to play a role in mental health rehabilitation communities (Stevanovic et al. 2020) and other organizational settings through multimodal and multimedial practices (Salomaa and Lehtinen 2022). In this connection, Stevanovic et al. (2020: 161–162) stress the paradox in ownership change in these cases: while it may not respect speaker’s control of their own ideas, it can lead to high levels of participation in the group.

These cases illustrate the complexity of decision-making processes by individuals oriented towards inclusion as well as open and balanced participation stressed in notions of intercultural dialogue and intercultural competence. While having the mindset of an “intercultural speaker” is helpful in triggering participation in ongoing group discussions, there are several other factors that play a role, such as agenda-management issues, the timing and design of openings and closings in decision-making sequences, and the management of ownership of ideas. These findings are potentially interesting for professionals designing intercultural interventions for the development of intercultural competence. Intercultural trainers might want to stress how the diversity-oriented mindset of intercultural speakers need to take the contingencies of effective decision-making processes into account.

From the perspective of intercultural pragmatics, interculturality can be said to comprise emergent features as well cultural norms and models (Kecskes 2014: 96). Some previous studies have dealt with these aspects from the standpoint of national cultures (e.g., Mendes de Oliveira 2020a; Sharifian 2017). In this article, however, the situational contingencies and the cultural frames are attached to a view of interculturality as unfamiliarity and to normative assumptions of intercultural interactions displayed by the speakers in the intercultural intervention. We thereby hope to contribute to further advancing reflections on situationality and normativity in connection to the notion of interculturality at the heart of the field of intercultural pragmatics.


Corresponding author: Milene Mendes de Oliveira, University of Potsdam, Karl-Liebknecht-Strasse 24-25, Building 16, Room 1.15, 14476 Potsdam, Germany, E-mail:

About the authors

Milene Mendes de Oliveira

Milene Mendes de Oliveira is Postdoctoral Researcher at the University of Potsdam in Germany. She is currently a member of the third-party funded project ReDICo (Researching Digital Interculturality Co-operatively). Her research centers on intercultural communication, applied linguistics, digital communication, workplace interactions, and English as a lingua franca.

Melisa Stevanovic

Melisa Stevanovic is Associate Professor (tenure track) in social psychology at Tampere University and Docent in sociology at the University of Helsinki, Finland. She has conducted a series of studies on collaborative decision making in naturally occurring interaction and in experimental settings. Her research focuses on social interaction, conversation analysis, joint decision making, power, authority, inequalities, and interpersonal synchrony.

  1. Research funding: This work was supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) [grant number 01UL2002B].

Appendix: Conventions used in the transcripts (Jefferson Transcript System)

,

slight rising intonation

.

final falling intonation

?

high rising intonation

_

level intonation

¿

falling-rising intonation

notable change in pitch, up

notable change in pitch, down

=

latched utterances

[ ]

overlapping talk

wha-

a cut-off word

what

word emphasis

>what<

speech pace quicker than the surrounding talk

<what>

speech pace slower than the surrounding talk

°what°

speech that is quieter than the surrounding talk

WHAT

speech that is louder than the surrounding talk

£what£

smiley voice or suppressed laughter

#what#

creaky voice

(what)

uncertain words

whath

aspiration or breathiness within a word

what

hardened sound

(xxx)

unintelligible words

xxx

Speaker not appearing on camera

.h

audible in-breath

h

audible out-breath

:

prolonged vowel or consonant

(.)

micro pause, too short to measure

(0.5)

measured pause, in seconds

((laughs))

transcriber’s comments or descriptions

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Published Online: 2024-02-23
Published in Print: 2024-03-25

© 2024 the author(s), published by De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston

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