Language attitudes and stereotypes in music: metalinguistic statements about Italo-Romance dialects in Italian songs

1 Introduction

All languages are subject to stereotypes and beliefs by both members of the speech community and non-speakers (Bauer and Trudgill 1998). Accents, dialects and languages can all be perceived as beautiful, ugly, attractive, and so on (Lambert 1967; Zahn and Hopper 1985). Even if such evaluations often concern phonaesthetics (Anikin et al. 2023), it is not to say that such are neutral views: a language attitude typically reveals not just a linguistic bias but also a social one, reflecting a judgment about its speakers more than the language itself (Edwards 1982; Preston 2013: 157; Rosa and Burdick 2016: 108). As any linguistic phenomenon, linguistic prejudice is also socially embedded and develops within society (Giles and Niedzielski 1998; Irvine and Gal 2000; Woolard 1998), to such an extent that it may lead to outright discrimination – for instance, a negative perceived accent can have repercussions in employment (Levon et al. 2021) or legal contexts (Cantone et al. 2019; Zarzycki 2024). Thus, starting from stereotypes that may seem neutral or even positively connoted (like the supposed “beauty” of a language can be), one can uncover a world where ethnic and socio-cultural prejudices persist, often concealed beneath the surface. This may occur particularly in the case of non-standard varieties: it is especially accents, dialects, minority and non-standard languages that are the target of negative beliefs – mainly due to the ideology of the standard language internalised by the speech communities (Milroy 2007).

In Italy, the so-called Italo-Romance dialects (it. dialetto, -i), although not structurally dialects of a language but distinct language systems (Barco 2024; Berruto 2018; Cerruti et al. 2017; Dal Negro and Vietti 2011), suffer from the same prejudices that affect non-standard and low-prestigious varieties. Due to the intricate history that led to the Unification of Italy and the choice of monolingualism for the nation (De Mauro 2011), Italo-Romance dialects underwent a gradual decrease in prestige (De Mauro 2011; Guerini 2011; Loporcaro 2009: 176–82; Tosi 2004), being considered as wrong and dirty ways of speaking for centuries that were supposed to be sanctioned by the school (Loporcaro 2009: 182) and avoided in learning, thus its speakers have been labelled as uneducated and rude (Alfonzetti 2016; Ruffino 2006, 2017; Tamburelli 2021). In recent years, however, linguists have reported an openness among Italians towards their dialects (Berruto 2006a, 2006b, 2018: 506; Sobrero 2003). Although scholars have pointed out that the sociolinguistic peculiarity of each Italian region complicates the generalisation of this favourable reading to the entire nation (Berruto 2006b; De Blasi 2018), the notion of a “resurgence” of dialects has garnered considerable support in Italian linguistics. Yet the perspective of a previously unknown spread of positive attitudes draws primarily from a broader mass media revival of dialects that apparently swept away negative conceptions towards this code and its speakers. Indeed, in recent years, dialetti, although decreasing in everyday use, appear to have been increasingly used in different contexts, such as entertainment and the media – from TV series to movies (Gargiulo 2017), from the Internet (Fiorentino 2005; Nobili 2020) to music (Coveri 1996; Barco and Marra 2021; Sottile 2018), as well as commercial and linguistic landscape (Bernini et al. 2021; Goria 2012; Scaglione 2017). Whether these new practices have promoted an actual positive language attitude or whether traces of negative prejudice towards dialects and their speakers persist remains to be established. The findings of perceptual dialectology and language attitudes prove how internally diversified the Italian sociolinguistic situation is. In certain regions of Italy, a strong and positive attitude towards dialects is documented (Canobbio et al. 2006). Conversely, other surveys reveal that speakers maintain a generalised negative view of dialects (Alfonzetti 2012; Paternostro 2016; Ruffino 2006; Scaglione 2016a), while additional reports suggest that the negative judgment is not addressed to dialect usage in general, but rather to specific varieties, which are sometimes perceived coarser and more rural than others (Nodari and Calamai 2023). Hence, an interesting perspective may be to analyse the attitudes conveyed by those media that are currently promoting the spread of dialects – since mass media play a role in the dissemination of attitudes, ideologies and stereotypes (Kroon et al. 2016; Ramasubramanian 2011; Screti 2024). So, the research question is whether a positive attitude towards dialects can be demonstrated by analysing the attitudes present in those media that have been using dialects for years. Taking this specific case as a starting point, one of the aims is to show how song lyrics can provide a source of attitudes, ideologies and metalinguistic considerations that can be useful for linguists to gain a broader picture of the perceptions present in different realms of society.

For this purpose, Italian song lyrics will be taken as a set for the analysis of judgments concerning Italo-Romance dialects. The use of these languages in Italian songs has a tradition that has evolved from being a code associated with the exploration of individual songwriters or specific musical genres to increasing both in diffusion and success (see Coveri 1996, 2014; Aime and Visconti 2014; Sottile 2018). In 2024, the most-streamed Italian singer performs exclusively in Neapolitan, while in Italy’s most significant music competition of 2025, i.e. the Festival di Sanremo, at least three of the twenty-nine competing songs contain dialectal elements. Given their presence in a substantial number of Italian songs, dialects and regional Italian varieties have become not only a means of expression but also a subject of song lyrics. In this way, singers have transformed dialects from a medium into a part of the message: both those who sing in an Italo-Romance dialect and those who sing in Italian engage in metalinguistic discourse regarding the nature and usage of dialects. Furthermore, the fact that the majority (73.08 %) of the metalinguistic statements comprising our corpus are produced in Italian rather than in dialect suggests that the topic holds a certain degree of centrality within Italy’s musical culture, which engages thematically with dialects even when they are not directly used in the songs. Previous studies have explored the language attitudes of singers via their public utterances or through ethnographic interviews (Garley 2019; Sottile 2018; Stylianou 2010). Here, lyrics will be considered in which a clear reference to dialetti, varieties or regional accents emerges. For the sake of simplicity, references to these different linguistic elements have been merged in order to provide a broader picture of speakers’ relationships with what is considered non-standard. This approach aligns with the lack of distinction that many speakers make between the various codes and features: as will be shown, singers often do not clearly differentiate between a dialetto and an accent of Italian.

The corpus comprises 52 songs released between 1983 and 2025; however, apart from two, all the remaining songs were produced in the 21st century, with a significant majority (82.69 %) composed in the 2010s and 2020s – a reflection of the growing interest in dialect. As in other studies on linguistic analysis of songs (Coveri 2019; Sottile 2013; Telve 2012; Zuliani 2018), the construction of the corpus is based on qualitative assessments: in the absence of a comprehensive corpus of Italian lyrics, the selection process was guided by thematic relevance, identifying songs that address Italo-Romance dialect, as well as accents or regional Italian as a subject.

Data will show that stereotypes towards dialects are still alive, even within a context such as the Italian music scene, which appears to make frequent use of dialects and regional Italian features; furthermore, the songwriters’ statements will reveal how linguistic bias is actually rooted in social prejudice. Additionally, the pop culture’s attitudes towards dialects seem to be equivalent to the most common language beliefs in Italian society. For example, one of the most popular metalinguistic discourses in Italy concerns dialect’s nature: hence, the paper will move from the answer given by the singers to the question of whether Italo-Romance dialetti are languages any less (Section 2), before moving on to analyse singers’ language attitudes (Section 3). Data will show that stereotypical discourse surrounding dialects perpetuates discriminatory narratives regarding the communities in which certain dialects are spoken (Section 4), to which other artists respond by condemning the marginalisation of both dialects and their speakers (Section 5). Finally, it will become evident that media play a role in conveying linguistic stereotypes, prejudices, and trivialisation. In doing so, they may amplify attitudes already rooted in certain segments of society, but they can also serve to challenge these beliefs (Sections 6–7).

2 Language and dialetto from the singers’ perspective

Holding the same Latin roots, Italian and Italo-Romance dialetti are sister languages (Maiden and Parry 1997: 2) that throughout history have shifted their sociolinguistic status: once Italian was chosen as the national standard, the Italo-Romance dialects became the low varieties of the repertoire (Lepschy and Lepschy 1988: 19–40). Although dialects have long been the subject of mockery, today they appear to be experiencing a renewed interest, especially within defined and limited domains (Antonelli 2023; Berruto 2006b; Lubello and Stromboli 2020). However, things are not as peaceful as they seem. For instance, these local languages are employed in commercials and linguistic landscape – even by corporations – just to validate the presumed authenticity of the advertised products (Barco and Tronci 2021; Berruto 2004: 18–20; Parry 2010: 72). On websites, dialect is displayed in ways that may reflect particular ideological positions (Miola 2013: 126; Paternostro 2013), while dialect use in social media is often linked to both irony (Palermo 2022; Paternostro and Sottile 2015; Scaglione 2016b) and vulgarity (Bitonti 2019); accordingly, dialect-speaking characters in cinema are often caricatured (Idini 2017). As a result, the representation of dialect in these domains often entails a process of trivialisation, simplification or Italianisation, which flattens its linguistic complexity and sociocultural meanings. Therefore, is it possible to say that negative conceptions about dialect have been overcome? Based on the opinions expressed by singers in their lyrics, dialect is still the subject of misconceptions, as this study will show.

Moving from the definition of Italo-Romance dialect, performers examine a much-debated issue among non-linguists in Italy (see De Blasi 2019): is dialetto a dialect or a language? Artists whose work is underpinned by identity overtones assert that their dialetto is a language: “Here, Sicilian is not a dialect, it is a language” (“Il siciliano qua non è dialetto: è nna lingua”) states singer Shaka Muni (2025). As we mentioned, that’s linguistically true, but in this context, the label “language” happens to be used not in a neutral way (for a discussion, see Tamburelli and Tosco 2021). So, even though the singers start from scientifically correct assumptions (Italo-Romance dialects, as we have premised, are distinct language systems and not simply varieties of Italian), they fall into various misconceptions. The Neapolitan singer ’O Zulù (2012) emphasises the relevance of Neapolitan through its popularity, which, in his view, would extend not only beyond the borders of the city of Naples but also worldwide: so, in his evaluation, Neapolitan is “The most widespread language from Rome to Milan,/the Italian main export” (“La lingua più diffusa da Roma a Milano,/il principale prodotto d’esportazione italiano”). However, it is Rocco Hunt who goes further, carrying forward the erroneous cliché of Neapolitan allegedly being recognised as a language by UNESCO (see De Blasi 2023:52).

The fake news according to which UNESCO has defined Neapolitan as a language is widespread in mainstream discourse (for its groundlessness, see De Blasi and Montuori 2018, 2020: 90–94). Sicilian rapper Frankie Shoes (2019) goes so far as to state that Sicilian would be included in the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (“I know you like it when I speak in dialect:/this is a Heritage and Unesco says so”, “Lo so che ti piace se parlo in dialetto:/questo è patrimonio e lo dice l’Unesco”). This popular belief conceals a range of ideologies. The word dialetto itself is negatively connoted in popular feeling (De Blasi 2019: 35–41; Loporcaro 2009: 4–5; Ruffino 2006, 2017), and the terminological ambiguity surrounding the term dialetto may in part explain the lack of official recognition for these language systems in Italy (Cravens 2014). Therefore, speakers start the fight to safeguard their dialetto precisely by labelling it “language”. Stating that it is only the institutional classification as a language that can change the disposition towards their own dialect, the singers confirm the impact of language policy on speakers’ attitudes (see Lee 2015; Soria 2015; Brasca et al. 2024). However, the above examples appear to indicate that rappers defend their local languages (while using the national language) by employing the same rhetorical tools once employed by some institutions and cultural élites to declare Italo-Romance dialects as culturally and functionally inferior. By attempting to dismiss the word dialetto, they inadvertently reinforce the negative mainstream reading of dialects compared to the prestige associated with languages. In (1) the author calls for respect toward Neapolitan not per se but by the fact that it has been labelled as a language and that UNESCO has done so – thus using an alleged emic legitimacy to defend their etic cultural identity (cf. Wall 2016: 10–11). From this point of view, the singer internalises the negative attitude that considers his variety a second-order language, one that requires external and political recognition to be enhanced.

As we will see in the following sections, the call for respect and to stop ridiculing dialects is well justified by the general attitudes that portray both dialect and its speakers negatively (Section 4). But first, we will proceed to the seemingly positive attitudes expressed by singers, which sometimes fall into stereotypes as well (Section 3).

3 The features of dialects: singers’ attitudes and stereotypes

Early examples indicated that dialects can be subject to bona fide misinterpretations (Section 2). From this perspective, Italo-Romance dialects can become the target of false beliefs and thus of stereotypes that are not necessarily inherently negative, but – as every stereotype (see APA 2016: 447–448) – invariably display a naïve view of the object. One of the language attitudes expressed by Italian/dialetto bilingual speakers concerns the dialect functions and domain. Speakers are divided between those who appreciate a supposed greater expressiveness of dialect and, conversely, those who consider the latter as unsuitable for the full range of communicative functions. The same happens with singers: if for some songwriters “unfortunately I love you does not sound right in dialect” (“Ti voglio bene in dialetto purtroppo non suona perfetto”, Luchè 2020), for others, dialect – especially when read as a counterpoint to Italian – is the language of love: the singer Giusy Attanasio (2024) seems to associate Neapolitan with a greater authenticity and intensity when she sings “While you speak Italian, I give you my heart, more Neapolitan and more passionate” (“Mentre tu parle italiano/te dongo chistu core/cchiù napulitano/e cchiù carnale”). Likewise, Gigi D’Alessio’s complained difficulty in “translating the heart” is overcome through the use of Neapolitan, which he finds makes “everything natural” as “it’s the most intense and beautiful way” to convey emotion (2).

Rapper Carl Brave shares a similar view, believing that dialect offers him greater expressive freedom than Italian (see Antonelli 2023):

The aforementioned examples support a well-established trend, i.e. the view of dialect as the perfect one for the externalisation of intensely positively (or negatively) marked feelings due to what is perceived as strong expressiveness embedded in this language system (Alfonzetti 2012: 43). It’s a particularly evident pattern in codeswitching, in which speakers switch from Italian to dialect mostly to express emotions or humour (Alfonzetti 2018; Cerruti 2003); similarly, bilingual singers claim to be able to select the most appropriate language for every situation (2–3). Beyond these individual claims, however, lies a widespread stereotype, namely the musicality and sensuality attributed to certain accents or dialects. Even those who travelled to Italy during the Grand Tour in the 18th and 19th centuries reported perceiving certain dialects of Italy as more musical than others (Serianni 1999) – a view that echoes a broader belief involving several languages (cf. Giles and Niedzielski 1998; Reiterer et al. 2020; Hilton et al. 2022; Anikin et al. 2023). Indeed, for singers, dialect “sounds so good” (“suona così bene”, Fabio Concato 1998) and, in someone’s mouth, it can be “sweet and crystal clear” (“dolce e cristallino”, Ivan Graziani 1983). In this way, the focus shifts from expressive qualities to the sensual charge that, according to the singers, speaking dialetto or Italian with a thick accent seems to exhibit (for evaluations on accents and regional Italians, see De Pascale et al. 2017; Marzo et al. 2021).

Singers not only express fascination with their beloved’s dialect, but they also claim to be the target of others’ attention precisely because of the way they speak:

In the narrative that emerges from these examples, individuals may be appreciated for their dialect or accent too, as reflected in the recurring expressions “to like/love/go crazy for the accent/dialect”. Consequently, Italo-Romance dialects and Italian geographical accents are portrayed as being associated with sexiness, which in (t)rap music often shifts towards eroticism, roughness and tough masculinity (see Williams 2015).

Here, the dialect serves not only as a medium for enhancing personal appeal, but also as a tool for explicit language, which, in some examples, correlates with aggressive behaviour. In highlighting a hallmark of rap and trap – i.e. sourcing from a single textual reservoir from which stylistic devices and even entire sentences are picked up almost verbatim – note how dialect becomes part of the rhetorical repertoire typical of certain strands of these genres, being used to reference themes related to sex, violence, and misogyny. In the excerpts in (6), speaking in dialect is indeed categorised alongside violent behaviour. The reason for this usage seems to be connected with a “covert prestige” (Labov 2006; Trudgill 1972) associated with some dialects in some contexts (see Alfonzetti 2019: 48): the singers exploit the perceptions related to dialect, thereby confirming the popular opinion that speaking dialect conveys a more masculine look (Alfonzetti 2018: 449; Cortelazzo 1995: 585; Vecchio 1990: 171). This illustrates how an apparently positive stereotype – such as that of the musicality and attractiveness of a language – can easily give way to its negative counterpart. In Section 4, we will see how the association of dialect with transgressive behaviour can develop into more explicit value judgements about the personalities of dialect speakers.

4 From linguistic stereotype to socio-cultural stereotype

Dialect may feature in narratives of romanticism and sensuality (2–5), but also in those depicting misbehaviour and violent relationships (6). In this way, singers identify dialect usage as a marker of aggressive behaviour; so, dialect itself can be described as “infamous” (“’nfame”, Geolier 2023) and “mean” (“gretto”, Claver Gold 2020) and, as we have already mentioned, it can become part of a misogynistic portrait:

The descriptions seen in Section 3 illustrate how singers incorporate dialect into references that characterise their sexual behaviour and tough masculinity. Remaining within the same semantic field, in the last example (7), dialect shifts from being a valued trait to an explicit insult. In a particularly unflattering portrayal of a woman, even her manner of speaking – specifically, her use of dialect – is disapproved and placed among the characteristics the lyrical voice expresses disdain for. Here, we observe the first indications of an overtly negative evaluation of dialect and its speakers. In what follows, we will present further data on the various dimensions of negative perceptions associated with dialect.

Moving to more general perceptions, rapper Ensi – within a song built on stereotypes (“Welcome to Italy, Bel Paese […] of pizza, mandolin, mafiosi”, “Welcome to Italia, Bel Paese […]/di pizza, mandolino, mafiosi”) – contrasts the Italian sociolinguistic situation with the rest of Europe, in an excerpt that appears to establish a connection between speaking dialect and a lack of proficiency in English (and Italian). This perspective perpetuates the prevailing prejudice that Italo-Romance dialect speakers are inherently monolingual and illiterate (Dal Negro and Vietti 2011: 74):

Following a monolingual ideology (Blommaert and Verschueren 1998), the above example highlights that Italy’s linguistic heterogeneity is not appreciated and would lead to communication problems that would even involve simply different accents of Italian:

These last examples contrast with the positive judgments previously observed concerning the pleasantness of dialect speakers (Section 3). According to the singers in (8–9), the existence of dialects and accents in Italy would result in problems of unintelligibility. Consequently, it is unsurprising that someone simply discards dialect as a foreign language:

Note that the lack of mutual intelligibility is expected between speakers of different dialetti of Italy (Tosi 2004: 258). Nonetheless, statements concerning this matter appear to be biased and used for disparaging purposes (8–10). As a matter of fact, it is particularly certain dialects that are difficult to understand and disagreeable to the songwriters: a singer from the North writes that when Southern Italians speak (we don’t know whether in dialetto or even Italian) “subtitles come out” (11).

Discrimination by Northern Italians over Southern Italians is an age-old fact that still echoes in popular opinion and, as we are seeing, in Italian music. One of the hallmarks of this discrimination is the dialects and the accents of people from Southern Italy, both considered unpleasant and a sign of coarseness. For instance, the lyric under analysis takes on the false belief that the use of dialect is the prerogative of Southerners only. Statistics show that this is not true (Istat 2017), yet the reason for this commonplace is always related to the unpleasantness of the dialect, as the discussion will show. The next passage from the same song confirms how easy it is to shift from linguistic stereotypes into social ones.

In (12) we can see that we are not just dealing with a linguistic bias. Thus, for the Northern singer, the portrait of the average Italian abroad, with all its clichéd traits, coincides with that of the Southern Italian: the Italian who “abroad argues with the locals” certainly cannot be “from Bolzano nor Bellinzona” (the former in Northern Italy, the latter in Italian-speaking Switzerland), but “by the accent” is identified as terrone, ‘peasant’ – as highlighted by the refrain and the song’s title, “The peasant is in fashion” (“Il terrone va di moda”). The word terrone is the insult par excellence addressed by Northern Italians as a derogatory ethnonym to all inhabitants of Southern Italy (Lo Re 2017; Orrù 2023). In the context of this discrimination, a Southern rude peasant – as the word terrone originally indicated – cannot but speak dialect, since dialect is associated with illiterates and low social status. It must be said that the song mentioned in (11–12) is performed by a Milanese band used to irony and parody. Nevertheless, the lyrics are based on a series of anti-Southern-Italian prejudices (“He is always at least 2 h late”, “They ride a motorbike in three without helmets. The green light comes on and he honks. You can recognise the character by the clapping after landing”; “arriva sempre in ritardo almeno di due ore”, “in tre in moto senza il casco,/scatta il verde e suona il clacson./Riconosci il personaggio/con l’applauso all’atterraggio”). But in this caricature, the main target of ridicule is the way of speaking. Notably, beyond the discriminatory assumption that Southerners necessarily speak dialect (and only dialect), so Northerners cannot understand them, the song also conveys a flattening of intra-regional linguistic diversity: in the official music video, the Southern friend mentioned in the excerpt from the song in (11) appears in an interlude during which he speaks in his dialect. However, the dialect is not that of the city mentioned in the lyrics, namely Gallipoli, nor does it belong to the same linguistic area. The actor actually speaks in the Barese dialetto, spoken 100 km away from the Salentino dialetto-speaking city of Gallipoli. This ethnic and linguistic conflation is quite common in popular perceptions and media narratives (so, for instance, in the 2025 movie Another Simple Favor, Sicilian is spoken in Capri), but in addition, the dialect-speaker’s skit in the video is accompanied by fake subtitles in the Arabic script, in order to support – by using a further stereotype (see Istrate 2022) – its incomprehensibility. Here is the demonstration that the linguistic issue unveils even racist conceptions.

The cases analysed above (7–12) confirm that referring to someone’s dialect can serve as an insult, especially by Northern and non-dialect speakers: ignorance, misbehaviour, and lack of proficiency in Italian are just a few of the traits commonly attributed to dialect speakers in Italy. However, it is not only the outsider’s gaze of those who do not speak in a dialect that engenders such negative judgements. As an instance, by singing “I speak in dialect, but I dress like a dandy” (“Parlo in dialetto ma vestuto comme ’o dandy”), Geolier (2024) inadvertently recognises the stereotypic link between language and lifestyle or status. More explicitly, in the wake of the examples already discussed in (6), the dialect-speaking performers themselves claim their own dialect as “infamous” and typical of a criminal environment.

Of particular interest is the observation that here Southern singers appear to confirm – or internalise – the aforementioned Northern prejudices. The Neapolitan singers quoted here (13) employ their dialect to enhance the perceived authenticity of their ostentatiously rogue behaviour, likewise, as we have mentioned (5–6), other singers exploit the dialect’s appeal to convey greater self-confidence. However, in doing so, they reinforce the stereotypical idea of dialect as a vile form of speech – together with the conception of Southerners as criminals. In (13) one rapper addresses a girl by stating that if she finds his dialect appealing due to its perceived harshness, she should be aware that he is more “infamous” than his words suggest; another, while intimidating an opponent, asserts that the language he employs is the same as that spoken by robbers. This is because, to complete the circle of stereotypes, “this is Italy: guns and dialect”:

5 Singers against stereotypes

By using both generalisations that are not meant to be prejudiced (Sections 2–3) and those that openly have negative implications (Section 4), singers end up feeding stereotypes or simply misconceptions. Faced with lyrics such as those discussed in the previous paragraph, some other singers try to confront a biased approach to the use of dialects, thereby confirming that speakers feel the actual existence of linguistic prejudice. In the previous examples (13–14), we observed that some songwriters establish a relationship between dialect and the underworld – a view supported by a few Southern singers who confirm how their dialect is associated with the criminal world. Other singers fight linguistic discrimination primarily by criticising the Southerners themselves who endorse this discriminatory and North-centric perspective:

In the above statement, the singers go against the link between dialect and misbehaviour: they remark that those who, speaking in dialect, engage in criminal behaviour, do not represent Southern Italy, because, as they sing, the dialects spoken in Southern Italy are neither those of crime nor the ones broadcast by the media. Specifically, the song references mainstream TV dramas that depict mafia stories, often portrayed by non-Southern actors who mimic the local accent. In the same vein, a rapper unveils the contradiction between those who go on holiday in the South of Italy but persist in discriminatory attitudes towards Southerners and their way of speaking:

Here, the author mentions the political party Lega Nord, which at the beginning of its foundation “had taken up an autonomist stance and emphasised the ethnic and cultural specificities of the North, representing Southerners as inherently different and inferior” (Bernini 2022: 233).

By criticising those who deny their dialect, songwriters dismantle the common view that regards individuals who speak dialect as ignorant. Particular attention is given to the speakers themselves, who are subject to criticism when, as previously noted, they adopt the perspectives of non-dialect-speakers. Consider, for example, this identity call directed precisely at those who repudiate the dialect by ceasing to speak it.

Some singers state that they hate their own dialect (“I can’t stand my dialect” “Non sopporto il mio dialetto”, Traparentesi 2025) or are ashamed of it (“I felt embarrassed by the dialect”, “Mi vergognavo del dialetto”, Marracash 2008). Evidently, they may have experienced derision due to their idiolect, leading them to feel “out of place everywhere” because of their “strange accent”:

Authors end up narrating their life experiences, starting from their linguistic autobiography. In the following example, the singer remembers that his parents forbade him from speaking dialect, according to an educational approach that is very common in Italy (Alfonzetti 2012: 41–43). Note that this confession is made in dialect, representing a form of code reappropriation by the now-grown son, thereby confirming another pattern: the use of dialect after distancing from the birth Italian-speaking family (Alfonzetti 2012: 44; Marcato 2002: 43).

Moving from family to peers and partners, singers claim that using dialect in interactions with others can lead to “being cursed”, because those who speak dialect are perceived as “vulgar”:

In the experience of some rappers, especially the Southern ones, speaking or singing in Italo-Romance dialect or with an accent is a problem, because dialect is wrapped in a bad reputation, rapper Vale Lambo states. Finally, despite the current popularity of dialect songs, the prejudice against those who rap in a dialetto is still alive, concludes Clementino (21).

In the earliest examples discussed (Section 2), the artists actively defended the legitimacy of speaking dialect, aiming to challenge the stigma and denigration often associated with it. We have also considered cases where artists associate dialect with positive emotions, such as those linked to love and attraction (2). The more recent examples (15–21) appear to be ideally connected to these earlier statements, insofar as they oppose the prejudices perpetuated by certain artists and advocate for an unbiased perspective on dialect use. In this regard, music, and particularly hip hop, emerges as a medium through which linguistic stereotypes and dominant ideologies can be questioned and deconstructed (see Cutler and Røyneland 2015).

6 Discussion

The dialetti of Italy have been subject to denigration campaigns for a long time, in order to encourage Italian monolingualism. Nevertheless, over the last few decades, Italo-Romance dialects seem to have gained ground in new domains, such as art, media and entertainment. Even if it remains questionable whether these new openings in pop culture have driven a renewed use of dialects in everyday communication, this has been seen as an opening of society towards these varieties (Sections 1–2). Certainly, this is partially true, especially when compared to times when dialect was precluded from many domains. However, when looking at the ways this revitalisation is taking place, one can still see blind spots.

Nowadays, music makes much use of dialects, to the extent that singers not only write songs in dialect but also reflect on dialects. Accordingly, in this study we analysed lyrics in which a metalinguistic discourse was evident, the idea being that the singers’ linguistic perception might reflect the speakers’ view. The examples have shown how the attitudes formulated in the lyrics often turn out to be projections of the most widespread and commonly held opinions in society. In the Italian lyrics analysed, two major factions face each other: those who perpetuate longstanding prejudices and those who support dialects and their speakers.

With regard to the traits associated with dialects, the prevailing view sees these varieties as a means of greater expressiveness, especially when compared to Italian. Indeed, both in music and in bilingual spontaneous conversation, Italo-Romance dialect is often perceived as a means of expressing emotions, which leads it, according to the songwriters, to be more suited to romance, as it is also perceived as particularly sensual. Consequently, the lyrical voice claims that the manner of speaking can contribute to an individual’s perceived attractiveness. Also, main characters in the lyrics are surrounded by an aura of fascination due to their use of dialect, which is not just considered beautiful, but also associated with a cursed charm. Thus, the dialect becomes an opportunity for (t)rappers to show their power: they play on the long-standing stereotype that identifies dialect speakers as uncouth and sometimes outlaw. But while some rappers play with this narrative, others exploit it for discriminatory purposes. According to some singers, those who speak a dialect or who have a non-standard Italian accent are perceived as rude, uneducated and inherently unable to speak other languages, whether English or even standard Italian. This presumed ignorance of the national language by dialect speakers, still listening to the songs, would cause several problems of mutual intelligibility in Italy. It is worth noting that these stereotypes towards dialect speakers are directed above all towards people from Southern Italy, under the false assumption that only Southerners speak in dialect or have an accent in Italy – and, consequently, that Northerners speak a proper Standard Italian instead. In this way, an old confrontation between Northern and Southern Italians is revisited, with the former discriminating against the latter based on their way of speaking. But the stereotype does not only concern language. Southerners are seen as not only unintelligible and vulgar but also uncultured, rude and related to organised crime. Finally, in response to these biased views of dialects and their speakers, some artists recount their personal experiences with linguistic discrimination, thus fighting both linguistic and social stereotypes. These songwriters also affirm the legitimacy of their own linguistic practices by avoiding the word dialetto with its negative connotations and invoking institutional recognition as a means of lending greater credibility to the use of these local languages.

7 Conclusions

Investigating the language attitudes conveyed by the media can reveal insights into the broader perceptions within a society, as media serve as a significant vehicle for perpetuating and disseminating stereotypes, including those related to languages. This exploration revealed how song lyrics can serve as a compelling site of analysis to the extent that it provides metalinguistic statements, linguistic autobiographies and references to language attitudes, ideologies and stereotypes. From this perspective, lyrics can be particularly useful as they bring first-hand information on the way non-standard, minority or endangered languages are perceived by the speech community.

Focusing on the Italian sociolinguistic situation, this study is meant to be preliminary to more detailed analyses that shed light on the language attitudes spread by Italian music, as well as other media. Additionally, the effects of the current media and entertainment use of Italo-Romance dialects on the actual language use and on the speakers’ language attitudes deserve further investigation (see Dal Negro and Vietti 2011; Berruto 2018). Nonetheless, our data ascertained that the metalinguistic remarks expressed in lyrical form are not far removed from the prejudices and misconceptions already present in Italian society. This supports the legitimacy of using media and song lyrics as valuable resources for investigating linguistic attitudes and related phenomena.

The attitudes and ideologies discussed in this paper can be either positive or negative, though they are often simplistic, and in some cases closely tied to social stereotypes. The linguistic engagement exhibited by the singers – covering a range of topics from the status and acceptance of dialects to questions of identity and socio-cultural issues – illustrates the extent to which the presence of dialetti generates considerable interest and debate within Italian culture. Consequently, the lyrics also highlight the grassroots efforts by certain speakers to promote their dialect, attempting to protect both it and themselves from the stigma and pejorative perceptions widespread in society. Therefore, the wider inclusion of Italo-Romance dialects in Italian arts, media and entertainment in the last decades does not conceal that there are still residual biases against dialect itself. As Alfonzetti (2012: 156) points out, the re-use of dialects in new contexts does not necessarily mean that they gained total social legitimacy. The statements extracted from lyrics showed that in one of the main drivers of this revival, that is Italian music, misconceptions, social stigma and negative attitudes towards dialetto persist.