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On the chronology and the phonetics of the change o > u in final closed syllables in Latin
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Máté Ittzés
Published/Copyright:
November 7, 2015
Abstract
It has generally been assumed that the Old Latin vowel weakening o > u in final closed syllables occurred before word‑final m and word‑final s at the same time. The present article argues that this assumption is incorrect, since the inscriptional evidence clearly shows that the change before m took place later than before s. This chronological difference is due to the different phonetic properties of ‑om [‑õ] and ‑os [‑os]. It is also suggested that, at least in some cases, the sound change ‑om > ‑um could have had analogical support as well.
Keywords: Old Latin; inscriptions; vowel weakening; final syllable; nasalization; relative chronology; archaizing
Online erschienen: 2015-11-7
Erschienen im Druck: 2015-10-16
© 2015 by Walter de Gruyter Berlin/Boston
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Keywords for this article
Old Latin;
inscriptions;
vowel weakening;
final syllable;
nasalization;
relative chronology;
archaizing
Articles in the same Issue
- Titelei
- Vorwort der Herausgeber
- Inhalt
- Lycian nasalized preterites revisited
- The outcome of PIE *#Hi- and *#Hu- in Germanic
- Germanic goblins and the Indo-European fireplace
- Greek λοιμός, Middle Persian rēm, and the Avestan root rai̯-
- The Frøyhov inscription and early Germanic *ing-
- On the history and prehistory of the Old Irish passive ending -ar
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- Repetition analysis function (ReAF) I
- Enclitic -(m)a ‘but’, clause architecture and the prosody of focus in Hittite
- Beiträge zur Leidener Arbeitstagung 2013
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- Beiträge zur Tagung The Sound of Indo-European 3, Opava 2014
- The development of *ōu in Baltic
- On the chronology and the phonetics of the change o > u in final closed syllables in Latin
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