The Proto-Indo-European *-VTs# clusters and the formulation of Szemerényi’s Law
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Dariusz R. Piwowarczyk
Abstract
In this paper the author argues that Szemerényi’s Law operated in the proto-language and that its operation should be restricted to *- V̆Rs# and *- V̆RH# sequences only. Moreover, it is shown that the development of *- V̆Ts# > *- V̆ss# > *- V̄s#, often assumed as part of Szemerényi’s Law (cf. Neri 2003: 2035; Lipp 2009: 2, 93) as in PIE *pód-s > *póss > *pṓs > Doric Greek πώς ‘foot’ (Hesych.), is hardly credible (cf. also Kim 2001: 12724 but without further discussion). The length of the vowel in the Doric form is not certain (cf. LSJ⁹: 1456) and surely secondary in Attic poús as the short vowel is found in compounds (cf. Homeric trípos). Furthermore, if Szemerényi’s Law operated as *- V̆Rs# > *- V̄R# we would expect such sequences to appear as *- V̄T# < *- V̆Ts#. I will show that such cases are secondary rather than direct outcomes of Szemerényi’s Law.
© 2015 by Walter de Gruyter Berlin/Boston
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Articles in the same Issue
- Titelei
- Vorwort der Herausgeber
- Inhalt
- Lycian nasalized preterites revisited
- The outcome of PIE *#Hi- and *#Hu- in Germanic
- Germanic goblins and the Indo-European fireplace
- Greek λοιμός, Middle Persian rēm, and the Avestan root rai̯-
- The Frøyhov inscription and early Germanic *ing-
- On the history and prehistory of the Old Irish passive ending -ar
- Zum Ursprung des Dativs Singular auf -u der altwestnordischen ō-Stämme
- Repetition analysis function (ReAF) I
- Enclitic -(m)a ‘but’, clause architecture and the prosody of focus in Hittite
- Beiträge zur Leidener Arbeitstagung 2013
- Der Flexionsyp idg. *sḗh2-ṷr̥ ‚saure Flüssigkeit‘, *nḗbh-s n. ‚Gewölk‘
- The Proto-Indo-European *-VTs# clusters and the formulation of Szemerényi’s Law
- On the lengthened grade in the nominative singular
- Word-final vowel shortenings in the Rigveda and the nominative singular of PIE *eh2- and *ih2-stems
- Beiträge zur Tagung The Sound of Indo-European 3, Opava 2014
- The development of *ōu in Baltic
- On the chronology and the phonetics of the change o > u in final closed syllables in Latin
- Wortindex
