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Dumping Trump and Electoral Bumps: The Causes and Consequences of Republican Officeholders’ Endorsement Decisions

  • Nicole Asmussen Mathew

    Nicole Asmussen Mathew is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Oakland University in Rochester, MI.

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Published/Copyright: September 13, 2019
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Abstract

Endorsement of the party’s nominee by the vast majority of that party’s top elected officials is a foregone conclusion in most presidential campaigns. But in 2016, Republican lawmakers were slow to endorse Donald Trump, lackluster in their enthusiasm, and a substantial number never endorsed or withdrew their endorsements by the campaign’s end. What explains lawmakers’ decisions to endorse, and the timing and strength of their endorsements? I find that primary endorsements were most likely to come from anti-immigration moderates, but as the campaign wore on, conservatives and members from more Republican districts became more supportive in their endorsements. Women were highly influenced by the release of the Access Hollywood tape, while Ted Cruz’s endorsers were stingy in their support until Cruz himself issued a late September endorsement. To see if these endorsement decisions made a difference in the election, I compare the performance of endorsers and non-endorsers in the 2016 congressional elections, and I compare Trump’s performance in districts in which he was endorsed to those in which he wasn’t. Rather than the traditional presidential coattails, I find evidence of negative coattails and reverse coattails. Endorsers did about 1.7 percentage points worse than non-endorsers, while Trump did 1.4 percentage points better in districts where the incumbent Republican endorsed him.

About the author

Nicole Asmussen Mathew

Nicole Asmussen Mathew is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Oakland University in Rochester, MI.

Appendix

Table A1:

Ordered Logit Regression of Support for Trump by Republican Members of Congress, 2016.

Endorsed as of:Model A1Model A2Model A3Model A4Model A5
May 12May 31July 20Aug. 9Oct. 11
Ideology (Common Space score)0.799 (1.026)1.065 (1.053)0.639 (1.021)1.242 (1.076)1.881 (1.013)†
Anti-Immigration (Numbers USA vote score)0.017 (0.005)**0.016 (0.005)**0.025 (0.005)***0.020 (0.005)***0.011 (0.005)*
Female−0.566 (0.379)−0.351 (0.385)0.498 (0.380)−0.153 (0.398)−1.010 (0.374)**
Minority0.503 (0.648)0.264 (0.648)−1.537 (0.624)*0.247 (0.652)−0.517 (0.580)
Age0.038 (0.012)**0.042 (0.012)***−0.001 (0.012)0.036 (0.013)**0.004 (0.012)
Senator−0.279 (0.300)−0.587 (0.308)†−0.356 (0.289)−0.674 (0.312)*−0.496 (0.297)†
Endorsed Cruz−1.660 (0.380)***−1.526 (0.395)***−1.087 (0.362)**−1.629 (0.395)***−0.417 (0.374)
2012 Republican Two-Party Vote0.030 (0.021)0.034 (0.022)0.046 (0.021)*0.065 (0.023)**0.066 (0.021)**
Median Household Income (logged)−0.725 (0.140)***−1.200 (0.143)***0.236 (0.131)†−1.019 (0.145)***−2.258 (0.129)***
Percent Evangelicals0.001 (0.016)0.002 (0.017)0.003 (0.016)−0.008 (0.017)−0.023 (0.016)
Percent Mormons0.011 (0.016)0.007 (0.016)0.006 (0.015)−0.006 (0.017)−0.042 (0.016)**
Percent Catholic0.038 (0.018)*0.039 (0.018)*0.024 (0.017)0.029 (0.018)0.005 (0.017)
Percent Mainline Protestant−0.008 (0.028)−0.031 (0.029)0.021 (0.027)−0.030 (0.030)−0.042 (0.028)
Percent White Male No College−0.006 (0.029)−0.002 (0.030)0.060 (0.029)*−0.030 (0.031)−0.035 (0.028)
Percent Unemployed0.079 (0.099)0.192 (0.102)†0.193 (0.098)†0.156 (0.106)−0.240 (0.099)*
Percent Hispanic−0.036 (0.012)**−0.037 (0.012)**−0.013 (0.012)−0.030 (0.013)*−0.005 (0.011)
Trump Won State Primary−0.060 (0.247)−0.187 (0.260)0.042 (0.254)0.035 (0.272)0.509 (0.263)†
N300300300300300
AIC813.795752.535986.099709.334836.502
  1. Coefficients with standard errors in parentheses. Intercept not shown.

  2. †p<0.1, *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ***p<0.001 (two-tailed test).

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Published Online: 2019-09-13

©2019 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

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