Abstract
The story of Syntipas/the Seven Sages travelled as an international bestseller through the Near East and Europe, from the Middle Ages up to Early Modernity, and was adapted by its translators to each new context. Belonging to the genre of wisdom literature, it circulated in over thirty languages and under various titles. This article addresses processes of creative adaptation in different cultural contexts by comparing two early versions, the Book of Syntipas the Philosopher in Greek from the eleventh century and Dolopathos in Latin from the twelfth century. By way of case study, it offers an analysis of the ‘bedroom scene’ in both versions and discusses the different ways with which female agency is dealt.
1 Introduction
In 2021, Jeffrey Beneker and Craig Gibson translated the Byzantine Book of Syntipas the Philosopher and Fables of Syntipas into English, making available for a modern audience a long-forgotten international bestseller from the Middle Ages. The translators dedicated their faithful and yet accessible translation to their mothers, adding the following words: “We blushingly apologize for the rampant misogyny and bawdy content of the Book of Syntipas the Philosopher, and invite them [their mothers] instead to enjoy the Fables, omitting numbers 41 and 54”. Such warnings usually tempt readers rather than hold them off: I imagine both mothers thumbing impatiently through the volume in order to find the forbidden fruits – just as I did. The story of Syntipas describes how a concubine of the king falsely accuses her stepson of rape and is ultimately punished for her crime; Fable 41 presents an Indian man who cannot wash away the dark colour of his skin which nature bestowed upon him, and Fable 54 is about a young man manipulating an older woman into having sex with him (which, incidentally, she enjoys).
Today, most translators remain close to their source texts and approach their audiences with caution. Ostensibly out of respect for their elderly mothers, and likely mindful of present-day heated discussions in the age of racial sensitivity and the #MeToo movement, Jeffrey Beneker and Craig Gibson felt the need to add a content disclaimer and explain to us that the wisdom of the twenty-first century is different from the wisdom of the eleventh century contained in the Greek text. Notably, if the authors had positioned themselves within the tradition of the Medieval storytellers, the situation would have been very different. They would not have hesitated to change the Book of Syntipas the Philosopher and the Fables of Syntipas, adapting them to their own time and place, as their predecessors did, and mitigating the content to avoid offending their readers. If this were the case, a thousand years from now, readers would wonder about the cultural context to which their version of the story was adapted.
2 A travelling tale
By way of introduction, I will first provide some information to contextualise the Book of Syntipas the Philosopher and Dolopathos within the larger literary tradition. Belonging to the genre of wisdom literature and cast in the form of a ‘prince’s mirror’, the story of Syntipas/the Seven Sages circulated through the Near East and Europe in circa thirty languages and under varied titles. The versatility of the story’s material kept the tale ever vibrant in different communities and across the centuries, from the Middle Ages to Early Modernity. The extant versions resemble each other in narrative structure. They are usually divided into two groups: the so-called ‘eastern group’, including, for example, the Book of Syntipas the Philosopher (Greek), Seven Viziers (Arabic), Sindbād-nameh in prose and verse (Persian), Mishle Sendabar (Hebrew), Libro de los engaños (Old Spanish), Sindban (Syriac); and the so-called ‘western group’, featuring, for instance, the Histoire des Sept Sages de Rome in verse and prose (French), Historia Septem Sapientum (Latin) and Dolopathos (Latin).[1] These were translated into many other languages, e. g. German, English, Dutch, Russian, Armenian, Bulgarian, etc.
The nub of this fascinating story can be summarised as follows: After being educated by a philosopher, a young prince returns to his father’s court. It soon transpires that the prince has become mute, and so his stepmother takes him to her quarters to cure him, but without success. She makes him an indecent proposal which he refuses. She then accuses him of sexual harassment and urges the king to execute his son. Since the prince has taken an oath to remain silent for seven days, he cannot defend himself. The king’s advisors tell stories to prevent the king from harming his only son and to incriminate the stepmother, whilst the stepmother tells stories to vindicate herself, highlighting the unreliability of the advisors. The advisors typically tell a pair of two stories: the first warning the king that he should investigate before executing the prince, and the second inferring that women cannot be trusted. The queen, however, responds by accusing the advisors of offering the king bad counsel. Thus, the three main strands of advice in the embedded stories concern the dangers of rashness, the wiles of women, and untrustworthy courtiers. In addition, the embedded stories describe interactions between men and women, offering vivid images of daily life in recognisable social settings or containing elements of fantasy that belong to the world of fables (e. g., talking animals) and fairy tales (e. g., sorcery and witches). After seven days, the son speaks up, and the queen loses her case and is condemned. The story often ends with a conclusion about ethical wisdom.[2]
This article focuses primarily on the following question: how is the female protagonist portrayed in the various versions of the story of Syntipas/the Seven Sages, written in the predominantly patriarchal societies of the Middle Ages? The female voice as rendered in Medieval literature is increasingly being explored. Recent articles have suggested, for example, that the present story is not as monolithically misogynistic as is frequently assumed and that the depiction of female agency warrants closer study.[3] However, the various versions are usually analysed within their own linguistic domain. I want to apply a different approach by comparing two versions: one from the ‘eastern group’ – the Book of Syntipas the Philosopher, dating from the eleventh century and written in Greek for the Byzantine aristocracy in Melitene, and the other from the ‘western group’ – Dolopathos, written in Latin, dating from the twelfth century in the monastic environment of Haute-Seille (Alta Silva, in France).[4] I have chosen these particular texts not only because they are the earliest extant versions in their respective languages (and both languages I can study in the original) but also because they are relatively far removed from each other with regard to geographical place and cultural context.
This article is intended as a case study in comparative reception and contains an analysis of the ‘royal bedroom scene’ depicted in both versions.[5] This is a cardinal scene: indeed, the action of the frame story is propelled by the false accusation of a beautiful young man (the crown prince) who does not respond to the advances of a highly placed married woman (his stepmother, the concubine/queen). This motif is known from other famous stories, such as Joseph and Potiphar’s wife (Genesis 39) and Phaedra and Hippolytus (Euripides’ Hippolytus and Seneca’s Phaedra). It consistently features a dubious female character and an innocent male character.[6]
In myths and fairy tales, the stepmother is often depicted as a negative figure with stereotypical traits.[7] She is usually contrasted with the (deceased) biological mother, and in polygamous cultures, she holds a secondary position to the birth mother. There is often a conflict of interest concerning the stepmother’s own child(ren) and her stepchild(ren), both female and male, who assume a higher ranking by birthright. In many stories, the children’s biological father is too weak to support them sufficiently against the jealousy and maltreatment by their stepmother, consisting of all kinds of abuse, from beatings to attempts on their life (e. g., Hänsel und Gretel, Snow White). In many cases, the stepchildren are morally superior to the stepmother’s own children. Some stepmothers use magical powers, while others act out of lust for a stepson.[8] As a consequence of her actions, the stepmother suffers the cruellest punishments.[9]
Since the fairy tales of the Brothers Grimm, who strengthened the opposition between the good birth mother and the bad stepmother for ideological purposes, the above-mentioned traits have become stereotypical of stepmothers. Nevertheless, many of these traits have a much longer history. As we shall see, the stepmother in Syntipas and Dolopathos is a ‘wicked stepmother’ in that she falsely accuses her stepson. While she is not always a ‘lustful stepmother’ (that is, her motives differ from version to version), she is ultimately severely punished for her behaviour.
3 The Book of Syntipas the Philosopher and Dolopathos
The following sections summarise and compare both versions of the story. In section 3, I will present the respective settings and main characters and offer an overview of each structure as a whole. In sections 4 and 5, I will address the paratexts and the frame stories, focusing mainly on the bedroom scene in each version. I will seek to determine what happened in the bedroom between the stepmother/queen and the prince – and why – and analyse the perspectives of various characters. Finally, I will conclude the article by presenting the critical similarities and differences between both versions in light of their respective cultural contexts, and I will formulate questions for further research.[10] Readers who are not (yet) familiar with the story will be helped by Tables 1–3.
3.1 Settings and characters
Settings and characters
BOOK OF SYNTIPAS |
DOLOPATHOS |
|
Setting |
Persian court |
Sicilian court during the reign of emperor Augustus |
Characters |
||
King |
Cyrus |
Dolopathos |
Concubine/Wife |
Concubine (one of seven concubines; the biological mother of the prince is alive)[11] |
Second wife (the first wife of the king has died) |
Prince |
Only son |
Only son, Lucinius |
Teacher |
Syntipas |
Virgil |
Philosophers/Sages |
Seven philosophers |
Seven sages of Rome |
Extras |
Courtiers, nobility |
Courtiers (i. e., court advisors, retinue of the king and the queen), family and friends, nobility, the people |
Setting. The Book of Syntipas is set at the Persian court of Cyrus the Great[12] and features one of Cyrus’ concubines (unnamed), his son (unnamed), the philosopher–teacher Syntipas, and seven advisors. Dolopathos is situated during the reign of Augustus, at the court of Sicily, with its protagonists comprising the fictional king Dolopathos, his second wife (identified as ‘Agrippa’s daughter’), his son Lucinius, the poet-philosopher Virgil (a poet-magician during the Middle Ages) from Mantua (in the story situated near Palermo), the seven sages and the royal retinue. Neither story contains references to the historical personalities of Cyrus and Augustus and their temporal contexts; their names thus imbue the story with an exotic feel, placing it in a remote time and place. This technique can be considered a functional element of wisdom literature: a distant story world more easily invites an audience to reflect upon its own ethical values.[13]
King. King Cyrus is introduced very briefly compared to king Dolopathos. The characterisation of both kings is positive, but they have a temper. Although Cyrus appears to be very distressed about the silence of his only son, he is infuriated and immediately condemns him upon hearing the concubine’s accusation. His seven advisors suggest that his grief caused him to act too hastily; moreover, they fear the king will ultimately regret his rash decision and blame them. In contrast, King Dolopathos receives a lengthy introduction. He is depicted as a righteous king, but when faced with injustice, he turns into “a wild animal, more like a tiger than a man” (4.33–5.2).[14]
Concubine/Wife. In the Book of Syntipas, the female protagonist is not the biological mother of the prince (the mother is mentioned only once, § 9, 10.1 μήτηρ)[15] but one of Cyrus’ concubines and the prince’s stepmother (§ 9, 10.3 μητρυιά, cf. Mousos’ introduction below). She has a certain power over the king: she accuses her stepson of rape, appeals to Cyrus’ emotions by threatening suicide, and plays an active role as a convincing storyteller in the subsequent juridical battle. By contrast, king Dolopathos is monogamous: his first (beloved) wife dies, and he marries a second time. His second (wicked) wife also accuses her stepson of rape, but despite her successful attempts to influence Dolopathos with dramatic appeals for justice, she is not once permitted to partake in an actual battle of (embedded) stories, which is quite exceptional since in other versions of the story, the queen is a verbally active participant in the debate.
Prince. In both versions of the tale, the king’s only son is a handsome boy and an excellent pupil. The primary narrators describe him throughout their stories as innocent and with a clear conscience. The oath of silence, while originating from different motivations in each of the stories, is a liminal test before the prince can fulfil his adult role at court.[16] In Dolopathos, for example, Lucinius’ silence is attributed to sadness: he mourns the death of his mother and the absence of his teacher. After seven days have passed, with each day bringing the imminent risk of execution (in the case of Lucinius, by fire), the young prince is allowed to speak and defends his case. In the Book of Syntipas, he evidences his brilliant education extensively, while in a long epilogue in Dolopathos, the prince converts to Christianity. Both characterizations seem appropriate to the cultural context in which each particular version circulated: the Byzantine court of Melitene and the monastic setting of the Haute-Seille, respectively.
Teacher. Syntipas is bound by a self-made oath to raise the prince to perfection by educating him in six months and two hours, promising that he may be beheaded if he does not deliver. He educates the prince by painting all his knowledge on the walls of his pupil’s room. Prior to the boy’s return to the court, an astrological consultation forces him to remain silent for seven days. Virgil, meanwhile, takes care of Lucinius’ education in Rome, handing his pupil a highly secret handbook of wisdom which the teacher himself wrote (14.27–15.5).[17] Virgil teaches Lucinius to ‘give to every age, sex or condition the proper justice and desire to be loved rather than feared’ (20.9–20.11). When the son is about to return to his father’s court, Virgil tells him to remain quiet for seven days (21.14ss), offering no further explanation. In both versions, the teacher returns to the court after seven days to resolve the situation, although Virgil’s entrance is a real coup de théâtre: he arrives on a bird from the sky.
Philosophers/Sages. The seven philosophers (φιλόσοφοι, σύμβουλοι) presented at the court of Cyrus and acting as advisors and storytellers are motivated by fear for their position. They first believe the queen and then try to pacify the king, advising him to examine the evidence and ascertain the truth before passing judgement on his only son based on the concubine’s accusation. In Dolopathos’ court, the role of advisor and storyteller is distributed over two different groups: the local kings and noblemen on the one hand and the seven sages of Rome (the sapientes from the title of the most current Latin version, Historia Septem Sapientum), who come travelling from far away, on the other. The latter sages materialise one by one out of nowhere every time Lucinius is about to be thrown into the fire, and they disappear in the same manner.[18]
Extras. In Dolopathos, the courtiers – that is, the advisors, as well as the retinue of the king and the retinue of the queen, are described extensively (reges, principes, etc.). King Dolopathos and prince Lucinius both suffer assaults on their lives from jealous noblemen, and a handmaiden (absent in the Book of Syntipas) offers the queen bad advice. After hesitating out of pity and fear, the advisors in Dolopathos tell the king that the prince should be burned alive (according to Roman law). The entire city brings wood and straw to a plain outside the city but refuses to obey the king’s orders.
3.2 Paratext, frame story, and embedded stories
Both versions of the story contain paratextual material with a presentation of the translator/author/adapter, a frame story with a primary narrator–focaliser and secondary narrators–focalisers, and embedded stories told by the latter (which, in turn, can contain other narrators–focalisers), each with its own respective audience.
Paratext, frame story, embedded stories
BOOK OF SYNTIPAS (ca. 22,190 words)[19] |
DOLOPATHOS (ca. 31,500 words) |
|
Paratext |
||
Paratextual material presented by the author/translator/adapter to an external audience |
Michael Andreopoulos, dedication to Duke Gabriel of Melitene, in the preface |
Johannes de Alta Silva, dedication to Bishop Bertram of Metz, in the preface |
BOOK OF SYNTIPAS (ca. 22,190 words) |
DOLOPATHOS (ca. 31,500 words) |
|
Frame Story |
||
Frame story told by the primary (external) narrator-focaliser (implied author) to primary (external) narratees (implied audience) |
Short introduction; silent stepson accused of rape; texts between embedded stories; concubine condemned to shame parade; concluding ethical discussion (10 ethical chapters and 21 Q&As on kingship) |
Long pre-history; silent stepson accused of rape; texts between embedded stories; wife and retinue thrown into fire; conclusion and epilogue (wherein Lucinius converts to Christianity) |
Embedded Stories |
||
Embedded stories in direct speech by the secondary narrator-focalisers to the secondary (internal) audience (the court) |
27, told by: –– Advisors –– Concubine –– Prince –– Syntipas |
10, told by: –– Seven Sages –(no stories by wife) –(no stories by Lucinius) –– Virgil |
4 Authors/translators/adapters
Both texts present preliminary paratextual material in the form of a dedication, an introduction to their respective patrons and readers, and a conclusion. These inclusions reflect the historical context in which the texts were written. In the case of the Book of Syntipas, the grammarian Michael Andreopoulos (eleventh century) presents himself in a book epigram as the first Greek translator (μετήγαγόν τε καὶ γέγραφα) of a Syriac story with Persian origins (both now lost). As a Christian, he writes for his patron, Gabriel of Melitene, who was also a Christian. Gabriel (Khoril; 1055–1103) was the wealthy dux (amir) of the city of Melitene, of Armenian descent but adhering to Byzantine orthodoxy. He married off his daughter Morphia with a considerable dowry to Baldwin of Bourcq (duke of Edessa, 1100–1118 and king of Jerusalem, 1118–1131). At the time, Melitene (present-day Malatya in Eastern Anatolia) was a large semi-independent cultural centre with a multicultural history at the border of the Byzantine empire and at the intersection of the Euphrates and the ancient Persian Royal Road. The town was mainly Syrian Orthodox, but there were also Melkites and Armenian Christians. In the Battle of Melitene in 1100, Gabriel enlisted the help of Bohemund of Antioch against the Dānishmend Turks, to whom he eventually lost the town.[20]
Through the story, Michael Andreopoulos warns against evildoers and praises good deeds. Furthermore, he adds the prose prologue of Mousos the Persian, which he claims to have taken from his Syrian source text. This prologue is a plot summary that describes the son of Cyrus as “legitimate” (γνησίου) and the king’s concubine as “bad” and “shameful” by virtue of “using slander and intrigue against the prince” and “being his stepmother” (μητρυιά), thereby clarifying from the outset the characters’ respective legal positions and priming the attitude of his audiences towards the concubine. Michael presents the book to his audience as a useful story full of lessons to be learned. In the last paragraph of the story (§ 154, 129.14ss.), the same issues are repeated by the primary narrator by way of conclusion. The text is, therefore, most likely intended as didactic literature for the eleventh-century Byzantine court.
The Cistercian monk Johannes de Alta Silva (John of Alta Silva) belonged to the abbey of Haute-Seille in Lorraine (present-day Cirey-sur-Vezouze), founded in 1140. He dedicates Dolopathos to his patron Bertram, bishop of Metz. Bertram was a well-known descendant of the Saxon nobility, an expert in Roman law and a supporter of the Hohenstaufen. Active in both religious and political matters, Bertram was subsequently archbishop of Bremen (1179–1180) and Metz (1180–1212), suppressed Waldensian heresy by burning their books and acted as one of the architects of the Republic of Metz. John humbly asks his patron for a letter of approval to be added to his book. There is, however, no such letter attached to the manuscript, leading us to wonder: did Bertram not grant John’s wish, or was the letter lost somewhere during the transmission of the manuscript?
In the preface to Dolopathos that follows, John first criticises other writers and then informs his readers of his desire to preserve a great history of a great king, a history that he remembers but that nobody has yet written down (3.19–3.20: scriptoribus intacta vel forsitan incognita, ‘being untouched by or unknown to writers’, cf. the epilogue 107.29–31: non ut visa sed ut audita […] scripta sunt ‘written down, not after reading but after hearing them’).[21] John excuses himself for writing in simple prose as a style exercise since he has no rhetorical training. In so doing, he expresses the obligatory topos of humility; in reality, as a narrator, he exhibits his knowledge of the Bible and of the Latin classics by inserting numerous quotes and references, such as those of Virgil, Horace and Ovid, by comparing the queen with the mythological figures of Helen, Medea, Clytaemnestra, and Deianira, and by playing with Ovidian love themes.[22] He ends his introduction with a few metapoetical remarks of Horatian flavour (prodesse and delectare), hoping to both teach and delight his readers with stories that could have happened and adding that, in case they find them implausible, “there are more incredible things that Augustine and Isidore swear to be true”.
Thus, as both translators and writers, Michael Andreopoulos and John of Alta Silva position themselves in a long tradition of authorial voices, each offering their own version of the story to educate and please their respective audiences:[23] in the case of Syntipas, the Byzantine court, including the philosopher–teachers,[24] and in Dolopathos, kings, noblemen, and abbots, as well as poor monks and worldly men who can profit from the lessons and behaviour presented by the three male protagonists (91.3–91.21). Much like their predecessors, they are in their own way responsible for how they tell their stories, for the organisation of the fabula and for the manner in which the story is narrated and focalised.
In the next section, I will pass from the ‘real world’ of the authors/translators/adapters Michael and John in the paratexts to the ‘story world’ of the frame stories. In both texts, a primary omniscient narrator-focaliser tells the frame story to an external audience (in Dolopathos, this audience is sometimes addressed directly, for example, in the apostrophe: o lector 42.22). Several characters within the frame story, namely the philosophers/sages, the concubine, and the prince, tell embedded stories to those present at court, with the central objective being to convince the king. In the Book of Syntipas, the primary narrator remains relatively covert, except in his negative representation of the concubine. Conversely, in Dolopathos, the primary narrator repeatedly and extensively criticises and condemns the female protagonist and her retinue, thus positioning himself as an overtly prejudiced narrator, albeit one with a taste for Ovid and for irony: for instance, in his description of the overdressed female attire as entailing more clothes and jewellery than woman (28.8, minima pars erat ipsa puella sui, inspired by Ovid).[25]
Although I do regard the primary narrator of Dolopathos as overtly biased, I do not regard him as narratologically unreliable in the same way as Bettina Bildhauer does, who concludes that the primary narrator is unreliable not only in his value judgements (being “axiologically unreliable”) but also in his representation of facts (being “mimetically unreliable”), thus hiding ‘the truth’ about the rape. She considers his role “a major challenge to conventional modern understandings of the fictional contract”.[26]
5 Frame story: the royal bedroom scenes
The royal bedroom scenes
BOOK OF SYNTIPAS |
DOLOPATHOS |
|
In the Bedroom |
Primary narrator, concubine, prince (§ 9, 10.6–11.5) |
Primary narrator (34.24–36.10 and 36.11–37.16) |
About the Bedroom |
Primary narrator, queen to handmaiden, handmaiden to the queen (37.17–40.4) |
|
Concubine’s accusation to the king (§ 10, 11.5–15; repeated in § 33, 27.11–13, § 45, 35.10–11, § 56, 43.13–14, § 73, 54.10) |
Queen’s accusation to king and court (i. e., nobles, father, brothers, friends; 40.19–41.9) |
|
Concubine’s thoughts on the sixth to seventh day (§ 81–82, 59.3–60.8) |
Queen’s exclamation on the seventh day prior to the arrival of Virgil (87.10–8714) |
|
Virgil to king and court (90.1–90.3) |
||
Prince to chief philosopher (§ 96, 72.7–72.16) |
Lucinius to king and court (90.14–90.17) |
|
Philosopher to king (§ 97, 73.6–73.10) |
||
Prince to king (§ 98, 74.11–75.8) |
||
Philosopher to king (§ 101, 78.1–78.12) |
||
Concubine to king and others (§ 129, 105.8–106.10) |
5.1 In the bedroom
In the Book of Syntipas, when the prince does not speak upon his return to the court, the king is distraught: why is his son silent? The king and the philosophers attempt to make the prince speak – but to no avail. One of the king’s concubines proposes to heal his son since, in the past, the prince used to tell more secrets to her than to his biological mother. The king willingly accepts her offer, encouraging her to take the prince to her bedroom[27] and use as much flattery as she can (§ 9, 10.4 ὡς δυνατὸν θωπευτικῶς αὐτῷ προσομίλησον).[28] “The wicked woman” (ἡ πονηρά) does as she is told; she takes the king’s son by the hand and leads him to her bedroom, where she engages in sweet talk (§ 9, 10.7 and 8, ὁμαλῶς, τοῖς μειλιχίοις λόγοις). She does not, however, succeed in making him speak and consequently infers he is afraid of something unexpected. The concubine thus proposes a plan: the prince should overthrow the old and weak king and take her as his wife. The prince flies into such a rage that he forgets his oath, telling her that he will answer her words not now but after seven days.
The entire scene is described in no more than 228 words. The brevity leads to a series of questions about the reason why the concubine acted as she did. Why did she infer the prince was afraid? Why did she suggest overthrowing the king? It could be argued that she was merely provoking the prince in order to make him speak but may have pushed her luck in doing so. It may, however, also be inferred that the concubine was aspiring to change her position by marrying the only legal heir to the throne. Or did her proposal perhaps stem purely from desire for the beautiful youth?
The bedroom scene is described in much greater detail in Dolopathos, and there are several contrasting elements. When Lucinius arrives amidst lavish festivities (28.16ss.), nobody notices his silence. The following day, the king offers his son half of his kingdom, but the prince remains obstinately silent (32.10ss.). The king’s friends suggest all manner of distractions, including music, girls, food and drink. Finally, the queen voluntarily (ultro) offers to receive Lucinius in her room (in suis […] thalamis)[29] and to heal him with her proposed remedies (34.15–34.18). The king thanks the queen, promising her half of his kingdom as a reward (this echoed promise is notable: which half would the king bestow upon the queen – the half that has already been promised to his son?).
What follows is a comprehensive description of the queen and her selection of the most beautiful girls imaginable in the bedroom, covering ca. six pages. Here, the primary narrator is playing with the amorous literary topoi prevalent in the literature of the Western Middle Ages. He presents different stages of love, from seduction to lovesickness.[30] The bedroom scene is a textbook example of the male gaze at work to satisfy the curious reader (among which would surely be found Cistercian clergymen).[31] The primary narrator, however, counterbalances this explicit eroticism with a fierce condemnation of the lustful queen and her girls (35.13–35.23): according to him, the women are all vipers (colubras […] quas merito colubras dixi), and the wickedness of woman is like the slyness of the snake (non enim est astucia super astuciam serpentis nec malicia super maliciam mulieris).
At first (phase 1: 34.24–36.10), the girls try to seduce Lucinius, offering him music and song, sweet talk and embraces, aiming to provoke happiness and ludum Veneris, even “by touching with shameless hands his private parts” (35.5–35.6 impudicarum manuum circa loca pudenda attactibus). Their attempts are nonetheless in vain: while the prince permits their caresses to a certain extent, he is unmoved when it comes to lovemaking and, ultimately, speaking. As a result, the queen herself steps in, angry and desirous to obtain what she wants (36.3–36.5 magis […] semetipsam exponere quam quod cuperet non expleret). At this stage, it is, interestingly, unclear whether the queen desires the prince to be healed, the reward offered by the king, or perhaps both.
Eventually (phase 2: 36.11–37.16), the queen dismisses the girls. As irresistible as Helen of Troy, the queen turns the love play into a militia amoris, complete with the metaphorical language associated therein (e. g., a besieged citadel, darts, catapults, etc.). She licks, kisses and sucks Lucinius’ lips (36.17–36.18 propria lambendo, comprimendo, sugendoque labellula) but, in so doing, she falls desperately in love with him (36.30 ceco insanoque capta cupidine tot in amorem Lucinii flagrat). With love-talk and embraces and by “touching his manhood”, she “violently and shamelessly demands debauchery” (37.1–2 attractatione verendorum violenter impudenterque stuprum exigit). However, no matter what she says or does, and despite her addition of charms, drugs, prayers and tears, Lucinius resists, stronger than even the wisest philosopher.
The militia amoris now becomes a love elegy in prose (phase 3: 37.17–40.4). The physically lovesick queen calls for her handmaidens, who know her secrets. In a passionate confession, she describes what happened in the bedroom. According to the queen, she was dragged down to the deep while trying to save a drowning man out of pity and because of her promise (37.24–37.25). She recounts her methods (except the physical elements), her all-consuming passion, and her longing for death if her wish is not granted (38.15–38.16 aut enim mori michi aut potiri voto necesse est). At this juncture, the queen’s initial pity for the boy is transformed into downright passion.
One of the handmaidens, out of jealousy for her mistress, encourages the queen to change course.[32] By depicting the prince as an unwanted ruler who will disinherit the queen’s potential offspring, the handmaiden persuades the queen to accuse her stepson of rape to save face: ‘we shall say that the son of the king tried to pollute the bed of his father by raping you’ (39.6–39.7, cf. 62.18 where the king says paterni thori invasorem), she conspires. The queen is convinced. There is no more mention of the king’s promised reward, which is, by now, out of the queen’s reach.
The primary narrator does not plead female weakness in mitigation but rather condemns her action and those of all women along with her: “This is the insanity of woman. This is her audacity. When she cannot overcome, she goes mad and dares to commit any crime” (40.3–4: Hec est insania mulieris, hec audatia; cum vincere non potest, furit audetque omne nefas perpetrare).
5.2 About the bedroom
While the primary narrator’s description of the bedroom scene itself is brief in the Book of Syntipas, the scene – and its consequences – is later referred to several times by different characters: the reader witnesses the perspectives of the concubine, the prince, and two philosophers. The concubine panics and decides upon a “wicked plot and destructive scheme against the boy” (§ 10, 11.5–11.8), tearing up her clothes and face and crying out loud. She tells the king (§ 10, 11.10–11.15) that she talked to the boy patiently (ἐμπονῶς) in an attempt to make him speak but that he suddenly attempted to rape her (ἐκεῖνος δὲ αἰφνιδίως ἐπιπεσών μοι ἐνυβρίσαι μου τῷ σώματι ἐπειρᾶτο); she laments that she knew he was suffering but “never expected him to be sick with such perversity” (τοιοῦτον δὲ αὐτὸν νενοσηκέναι ἀτόπημα οὐδόλως ὑπετόπαζον). Upon hearing this, the furious king condemns his son to death, and thus, the battle of stories between the philosophers and the concubine begins. The concubine repeats the accusation of rape several times[33] and is systematically portrayed as “(very) wicked” by the primary narrator.[34] The tension increases day by day, reaching its climax towards the seventh day.
On the sixth and seventh days (§ 81–82, 59.3–60.8), the concubine is terrified and wants to throw herself into a fire. She is afraid her scheme will be discovered, knowing that disgrace and death are awaiting her “for the utterly improper way in which she had talked to the boy” (ἐφ᾽οἷς πάντως τῷ παιδίῳ ἀτόπως λελάληκε). Nevertheless, she manages to convince the king for a final time. The executioner is already brandishing his sword above the prince when the seventh advisor arrives and convinces the king to set his son free.
On the eighth day (§ 96–98, 71.12–75.12), the prince finally speaks out and presents his version of the story, first to the chief philosopher (who briefly reports to the king “all that he had heard from the boy”) and then to the king himself. To the advisor, he reveals (§ 96.72.7–96.72.16, first in indirect discourse and then in direct discourse) “all that the wicked concubine had imprudently said to him” (ἀνακαλύπτει […] ὅσα πρὸς τὸν ἡ πονηρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως παλλακὴ ἀφρόνως λελάληκε); he claims that God and the advisors saved him from an unjust death and “from the danger that came from the wicked woman’s intrigues against my father the king” (τοῦ κινδύνου τῶν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πατέρα μου σκαιωριῶν τῆς μοχθηρᾶς γυναικός). His report to the king is more extensive and slightly different (§ 98, 74.11–75.8, in direct discourse): he explains that he was silent because Syntipas had told him to be and alleges that after being led to the women’s quarters, the concubine, licentious, as it appears (ἀκόλαστος, ὡς ἐῴκει), had tried to have sex with him (πρὸς συνουσίαν ἑαυτῆς με διηρέθιζε καὶ ᾑρεῖτο συγγενέσθαι με αὐτῇ). The prince tells the king that he had been furious about the impropriety (ἐπὶ τῷ ἀτόπῳ τοῦ πράγματος, cf. the concubine’s wording above); he had angrily told the queen that he would defend himself properly after seven days against “what she had said” and “what pleased her”, and, out of fear and because she sensed danger, the wicked woman had wanted the king to condemn his son to death. Strikingly, the prince not only passes over the coup against the king but also admits that out of confusion, he forgot about his vow (evidently, without any consequence). Indeed, he refers only to the sexual advances forced upon him by the concubine.
The king believes his young son upon his word, rejoices and calls for an assembly of the philosophers, courtiers and noblemen, including Syntipas (who has finally returned to the court). He asks them (§ 100, 76.10–76.14) who would be to blame if he had executed his son within seven days. One philosopher points to Syntipas for abandoning the boy; a second points to the king for condemning his son to death. A third blames the concubine because women convince men to do as they wish: she provoked the king with a false accusation. A fourth philosopher points to the boy, claiming that the wife was the victim of involuntary temptation by lust or love and noting the boy’s broken oath and harsh and intimidating words. Nevertheless, he relies upon the weaker female nature as circumstantial mitigation: no woman can resist a beautiful boy, especially when they are frequently in each other’s company.
Syntipas disagrees and declares the boy not guilty since nothing is greater than the truth, and a real wise man cannot be mistaken about the truth: otherwise, he is a liar and hypocrite (§ 102, 78.12–79.2). By telling various stories, the boy now proves that he is, indeed, such a wise man.
Finally, the stepmother is called upon to confess (§ 129, 105.4) and takes full responsibility. Her report (§ 129, 105.8–106.10) largely coincides with the initial version of the primary narrator: she says she acted on the king’s command, managing by all kinds of questions, flattery, and sweet words (παντοιοτρόποις πεύσεσι καὶ θωπείαις, μειλιχίοις τοῖς λόγοις) to make the boy utter one sentence.[35] She claims that the prince’s anger and brusqueness scared her and made her feel endangered, thereby causing her to act as cunningly as she did: urged on by a satanic power, she lied deceitfully. She declares, “I understand my sin and confess it openly, and I do not deny it at all” (τὸ ἁμαρτηθέν μοι ἐπίσταμαι καὶ φανερῶς τοῦτο καθομολογῶ μὴ κατά τι τόδε ἀπαρνουμένη). She does not consider her actions as motivated by lust or love, and understandably, she omits her audacious proposal against the king. In completing her mission to please the king (convincing the boy to speak), she digs her own grave (she had to accuse him).
The philosophers respond to the stepmother’s confession by suggesting ripping out her heart or cutting off her tongue, but the concubine, by telling another story (§ 131, 107.5–110.10), proposes a less cruel punishment. The prince agrees that she has spoken honestly and fittingly, “for intelligent men of sound mind should not subject the failures of women to excessive blame and accusation” (§ 134, 110.12–111.2). Instead of being condemned to death, the queen is ‘only’ submitted to a public parade of shame through the town, seated backwards on a donkey, with a shaven head, soot on her face, a bell around her neck, and two heralds proclaiming her wicked deeds – a very light punishment compared to Dolopathos.
In Dolopathos, the queen, emerging with her maidens and with tangled hair, a torn face, and bloodstained clothes ripped to the navel, accuses Lucinius before the king and the court. She adopts the version suggested to her by the deceitful handmaiden, adding that the boy spoke pleasantly and dined with them (40.23 iucunde et loqui et epulari nobiscum). Her story coincides only partly with the primary narrator’s description: Lucinius did join them in merry-making up to a certain point, but he never broke his oath of silence by speaking. According to the queen, his silence was not caused by grief for his mother or his teacher; rather, it had been a scheme (40.25 dolus) borne out of his desire to rape her (40.28–40.29 volens me violenter stupro illico maculare), first by pleading, then by force, and finally by violence against her and her handmaidens, ‘like an unbridled stallion’. She demands justice and judgement for this terrible crime. The king roars like a lion (the reader has already been informed how wild he can be) and condemns his son – although he is torn by his position as both husband and father.
For seven days, the prince, naked, hands tied to his back, like an innocent sacrificial lamb, risks being burned alive. However, he is saved day after day by the arrival of the seven sages, who tell their stories in his defence and incriminate the queen. Tension rises as each sage tells his story. When the seventh sage has spoken, the queen pleads one last time (87.10–87.14). She describes the king’s injustice and repeats that she is the victim of the prince’s lust (libidinem filii tui; filio tuo criminoso; impudicum filium). She is prepared to throw herself into the flames. Again, the king is convinced by his wife.
Dolopathos is already lifting his son with his own hands to burn him alive when Virgil arrives, just in time, like a deus ex machina. Virgil utters a furious invective against the queen and womanhood in general (87.31–88.15, ending with “a woman is a great evil”, grande malum mulier) and tells another story. According to him (90.1–90.3), the queen only pretended to be helpful but was, in reality, lustful, and the queen’s claim that Lucinius attacked her (sibi violentiam intulisse) stemmed only from the prince’s refusal to yield to her lust (sue […] libidini). Virgil adds that the trial is invalid because the prince has not yet defended himself. Finally, the boy speaks up, albeit briefly (90.14–90.17), confirming Virgil’s discourse on how the queen and her handmaidens had tried to incite him to lust (ad libidinem inclinare) and how they had conspired against him, pretending to be attacked. As in the Book of Syntipas, the boy is believed upon his word. However, contrary to the Book of Syntipas, the trial in Dolopathos is finalised within a few sentences (90.17–90.25). The crowd, including family and friends, turns against the queen and her handmaidens, and throws them into the fire. Thus, “they received a punishment worthy of their crime” (90.21–90.22, dignam satis maleficiis suis receperunt penam). Whereas the queen is not permitted any reply, the prince is absolved and crowned.
6 Conclusion
This comparison of the bedroom scene shows how two versions of the same story – the Book of Syntipas from the so-called ‘eastern group’ and Dolopathos from the so-called ‘western group’ – contend differently with the topic of female agency.
The Book of Syntipas offers a succinct description of the scene through the telling of a (mostly covert) primary narrator. The prince refuses the concubine’s proposal to overthrow the king, and she falsely accuses the prince out of fear. What happened in the intimacy of the bedroom is a critical element of the legal argumentation, and the initial, concise description of the primary narrator is followed by different, and sometimes conflicting, reports and interpretations by the concubine (through her accusation and subsequent confession), the prince (through his various accounts), and one of the philosophers (who was not present at the scene as a witness). Finally, the transgressive behaviour of the concubine is attributed by the prince to lust and fear caused by the inherent weakness of women. It is his word against hers, and the word of the young prince carries more weight than that of the concubine. The story ends with an ethical discussion.
In Dolopathos, conversely, the (overt) primary narrator elaborates on the theme of female lust and love in greater detail, an evaluation that is reminiscent of contemporary literature. He both describes and condemns the attire and the actions of the queen, her attendants, and women in general. The narrator’s rendering of the bedroom scene is followed by a report from the queen (via her accusation) as opposed to the explanation from Virgil (who was not present at the scene) and from the prince (confirming his teacher’s words). Female weakness is not proposed as an extenuation; rather, the primary narrator, Virgil, and the prince Lucinius share the same opinion: a woman is a great evil. Meanwhile, the justice of the father towards his son and the firmness, endurance and chastity of the son are praised.
Generally speaking, both versions of the story contain a comparable narrative structure, frame story and embedded stories. They both employ a similar plot – that of the queen’s false accusation of an innocent youth – and share several other characters and motifs found in folktales, such as a king and a queen (often nameless), initial sterility and the begetting of an only son, a wicked stepmother, and a test. These traditional motifs were then adapted to different cultural contexts and tastes. It could be argued, for example, that the Byzantine court in Syntipas and the monastic environment in Dolopathos influenced the narrative choices of the authors/translators/adapters, as well as the type of wisdom and entertainment they convey to their respective audiences. We have seen differences in setting (time and place), in characters (Cyrus and his concubines versus king Dolopathos and his second wife, the philosophers, sages and advisors) and in the general architecture of the frame story (for instance, the concubine and the prince tell embedded stories, but the queen and Lucinius do not).
The encounter in the royal bedroom, which sets the action in motion, shows creative adaptation at work with regard to a single scene. The readers witness the compression or extension of the description, the addition or omission of elements, and multiplication of voices. Both versions are carefully constructed and adapted, yet at some points there remains a sense of open-endedness. The variations between the two tellings lead to interesting discrepancies and engender several questions. I refer especially to the legal position of the concubine/queen and the issue of political power, which both stories refer to but do not elaborate on: for instance, how must we consider the concubine’s proposal to overthrow king Cyrus? In front of the king, the prince explains her actions as motivated by lust and fear and neglects to comment on the political aspect. Furthermore, which half of his kingdom does king Dolopathos promise to his wife – his own half or that of his son? Is the queen at all interested in this reward? Her handmaiden suggests she should be. Another notable element is the fact that the prince breaks his oath by speaking and by writing; however, in both stories, there is no consequence.
Such discrepancies lead us to consider how these variants were dealt with in other versions of the story. How important were they deemed within the oral tradition? Storytellers may have retained them as ‘folk tale morphemes’ of a travelling tale while considering them of secondary importance to their own version. They may also be the result of a typical Leerstelle in the story, free for storytellers to elaborate on and interpret in their own ways. Indeed, these variants could tell us more about the influences of specific cultural contexts. Further comparative research that incorporates other versions of the story from both the eastern and western groups and other topics could shed light on the process of transmission, translation and adaptation with regard to this story and more generally. Additional scholarship of this nature could also tell us more about the values and norms of the societies in which these stories were written and circulated.[36]
7 Bibliography
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Articles in the same Issue
- Titelseiten
- I Articles
- Poetic Emancipation: Wissenschaft des Judentums and the Study of Folk-Narratives
- Ein übersehenes Märchen von Dorothea Viehmann
- Slips of the Tongue: Some Overlooked Examples of the Misdirected Kiss Storytelling Motif (Thompson K1225)
- The Wicked Stepmother
- Märchen in der Oper – am Beispiel des Opernhauses Zürich
- Ddakjibon: Ein populärer Lesestoff in der koreanischen Moderne
- (Re)-Killing of a Sacred Deer: Myths, Ecology, and Hegemony in Murathan Mungan’s Deer Curses
- Expression of Subdued Voices in Select Folktales of Kashmir: A Subaltern Approach
- II Reports, News, Announcements
- Nachruf Viera Gašparíková
- Obituary Dan Ben-Amos
- Nachruf auf Heinz Rölleke
- Nachruf Helmut Fischer
- Erzähl mir was!
- III Reviews
- Sůva, Lubomír: Der tschechische Himmel liegt in der Hölle. Märchen von Božena Němcová und den Brüdern Grimm im Vergleich (Zürcher Schriften zur Erzählforschung und Narratologie [ZSEN] 6). Ilmtal-Weinstraße: Jonas Verlag, 2021. 286 S.
- IV Submitted Books
- Submitted Books
Articles in the same Issue
- Titelseiten
- I Articles
- Poetic Emancipation: Wissenschaft des Judentums and the Study of Folk-Narratives
- Ein übersehenes Märchen von Dorothea Viehmann
- Slips of the Tongue: Some Overlooked Examples of the Misdirected Kiss Storytelling Motif (Thompson K1225)
- The Wicked Stepmother
- Märchen in der Oper – am Beispiel des Opernhauses Zürich
- Ddakjibon: Ein populärer Lesestoff in der koreanischen Moderne
- (Re)-Killing of a Sacred Deer: Myths, Ecology, and Hegemony in Murathan Mungan’s Deer Curses
- Expression of Subdued Voices in Select Folktales of Kashmir: A Subaltern Approach
- II Reports, News, Announcements
- Nachruf Viera Gašparíková
- Obituary Dan Ben-Amos
- Nachruf auf Heinz Rölleke
- Nachruf Helmut Fischer
- Erzähl mir was!
- III Reviews
- Sůva, Lubomír: Der tschechische Himmel liegt in der Hölle. Märchen von Božena Němcová und den Brüdern Grimm im Vergleich (Zürcher Schriften zur Erzählforschung und Narratologie [ZSEN] 6). Ilmtal-Weinstraße: Jonas Verlag, 2021. 286 S.
- IV Submitted Books
- Submitted Books