Urban Indonesian Women and Fandom Identity in K-drama Fans on Social Media

2.1 Fandom and Digital Space

Pearson (2010) noted that the digital revolution has profoundly influenced fandoms by enhancing the symbiotic relationship between producers and fans, while fostering the development of new cultural practices. Many fans appreciate the opportunities that digital media offers. Smith and Kollock (2005) highlighted that social media networks enable interactive connections through chat, email, and digital forums like Usenet. These platforms allow individuals to create numerous online communities for discussing various topics and even for engaging in collaborative projects such as fundraising. Social media platforms such as Facebook, which operates an extensive network through an algorithmic system, automatically display a list of friends of friends as “people you might know,” which ultimately helps fans connect with each other through shared interests (Bury, 2016). In addition, social media allow fans to develop expressions of identity and engage in both the consumption and production of media texts (Sugihartati, 2017).

Booth (2010) stated that the key characteristic of digital fandom is how fans use technology in their fan activities, such as fan fiction, videos, and fan blogs. Fans in the digital era use digital media to interact with each other. From an academic perspective, digital fandom impacts fan studies by viewing fandom as a collective activity rather than as an expression of individual behavior. Fan activity is tied to their interactions with each other and the media texts that underlie fan communication in the digital age. Engaging in the philosophy of “playfulness” means engaging in a media landscape as if every element were a game and the fans were the players, with every text open to all imaginative interpretation. According to Wang (2020), fan practices in the digital era ultimately raise debates on the boundaries between fan empowerment and fan exploitation as “free digital labor.” Fans in the digital era who are more active and interactive impact the exploitation of fan practices. This stands in contrast to fans’ subjective feelings, as they believe their online participation and productivity are not driven by profit but rather by emotional engagement. Fans and media producers continue to negotiate in the digital context. As media producers seek to profit from fan practices brought about by technological advances, fans are given more opportunities to enter the entertainment world and participate in media production. Therefore, in the context of the digital economy, fan empowerment and exploitation coexist and interpenetrate each other.

2.2 Female Fandom Online: Community and Identity

In Indonesian culture, married women are referred to as “ibu rumah tangga” (English: homemakers). This role is always perceived as one of supporting the husband. Homemakers are expected to follow and uphold the norms, roles, and behaviors that society considers ideal. They care for children, cook for their husbands, and serve as their husbands’ companions. They are seen as following religious teachings and cultural expectations of ideal womanhood. Such expectations include obedience to their husbands, for example, by serving them or accepting their authority in social matters. The era of transformation from a traditional society (agrarian) to a modern society (industrial) has had an impact on the negotiation of dual roles for women in Indonesia; homemakers not only carry out domestic roles but can also participate in the social, economic, and political sectors (Rachmah, 2001). The advancement of information technology and new media has created remarkable opportunities to establish new spaces, such as female subcultures facilitated by computers and the internet, as shown by research results on WhatsApp-based online mothering communities in Indonesia focused on parenting (Mega Putra et al., 2022). Anjani et al. (2024) researched the online literacy community of women, particularly among working mothers and homemakers, on Instagram. Through this research, it is known that the online community of women is founded on empathy and mutual support, helping women navigate parenting responsibilities while improving their literacy skills. Research on entrepreneurial communities built by women (Vershinina et al., 2022) shows how entrepreneurs’ mothers create and maintain community connections with important others in an online environment that facilitate the development of entrepreneurial competencies, support identity adaptation, and potentially reconcile role tension.

Women participate in the development and maintenance of communities. Their efforts to create and sustain fan spaces within collaborative communitarian norms foster a sense of togetherness and belonging, including politeness and a non-confrontational communication style when there is potential for controversy (Pande, 2018). Brake (1990) posits that subcultures can serve several functions for their members, including addressing socio-economic and structural issues, providing an alternative collective identity distinct from that of school or work, offering environments for unique experiences and alternative perspectives on social reality, and delivering meaningful entertainment that contrasts with the repetitive nature of school and work. These functions help resolve existential identity dilemmas, particularly in contexts outside of formal educational or professional settings. Identity is fundamentally a social construct within the broader online social system. In the process of identity formation, subculture members generate group discourse through the sharing and validation of individual opinions. A collective sense of identity emerges through collaborative interpretations of popular culture products, ongoing communication, and mutual validation of related experiences (Baym, 2000). Castells (2010) asserts that identity is constructed from a variety of elements, including history, geography, biology, collective memory, imagination, and religious values. Individuals, social groups, and communities process and reinterpret these elements within their social and cultural contexts and are shaped by specific spatial and temporal frameworks. Identity is a dynamic process – perpetually evolving, never fully complete, and continually reformed within oneself. It encompasses both past and future dimensions, remaining in a state of flux and continuity (Hall, 1990). In the realm of digital fandom, Booth (2010) notes that virtual identity is inherently fluid and subject to change and development. The formation of identity involves aligning oneself with groups and cultural issues. Self-identity is actively constructed through understanding and aligning with group similarities, establishing connections that integrate the individual with the group. Thus, in this context, the representation of identity is inseparable from the group interactions and relationships that individuals cultivate (Seargeant & Tagg, 2014).

In online communities, identity plays a crucial role. Individuals who join such a community often undergo an acculturation of identity (Donath, 2005). Duffet (2013) notes that fans develop identities closely tied to their interests in popular culture, adopting social roles characterized by their participation in fandom. Fandom identity is often formed through collective actions, such as the practice of actively engaging with global culture, exemplified by fans translating subtitles for shows like “Gossip Girl” to facilitate broader access and understanding (Lee, 2016). In women’s online communities, identities are built through visual elements such as logos, stickers, and banners (Radmann et al., 2022). In the subculture of female football fans, fan identity is cultivated through specific rituals, such as group travel to matches and pooling money to purchase symbolic fan items like balloons (Dunn, 2014). Sveinson and Hoeber (2016), who also studied female football fans, noted that the marginalization of women in football fandom has sparked a resistance movement characterized by self-empowerment. This movement involves increasing their knowledge and solidifying their identity as authentic football fans. Similarly, female K-pop fans in South Korea established a unique identity during protests, calling for the impeachment of the South Korean president. These fans used glow sticks, typically seen at K-pop concerts, as a form of protest, setting themselves apart from other demonstrators who used candles (Kim, 2017). In terms of fan activities, fangirls actively engage in idol support by purchasing merchandise and idol-related items, such as albums and accessories. This commitment is reflected in their attentive listening to songs and repeated viewing of music videos, driven by both affection for their idols and a desire to help them win awards. Their dedication extends to saving money specifically for buying albums, K-pop accessories, and concert tickets, as well as planning trips to South Korea. Additionally, they participate in online voting campaigns via social media to support their favorite K-pop idols during awards events (Dewi & Indrawati, 2019).

4.1 Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor: Mama’s Space

In this section, the author presents the findings and data analysis of the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor drama fandom communities as a “safe” space for homemakers who are fans of K-drama. This space offers a sense of emotional security, free from the stigma of the role of homemakers attached to Indonesian culture. In addition, it also explains how this space becomes one for interaction that includes the use of fan language, topics related to the role of urban homemakers, and communication styles in daily interactions within the fandom. This activity forms an identity that is different from that of the stereotypical image of fangirls.

Drama Mama was formed in 2015 on Facebook by four women who became acquainted through an online community. The main requirement to become a group member is that members are homemakers. In addition, members must fill out a form with questions about who recommended them to become members, their area of residence, and their jobs. In addition, there is a rule that each member is prohibited from uploading threads regarding ethnicity, religion, or race, which can trigger conflict in the group. As of 2024, the number of Drama Mama members has reached 654 accounts. The group was formed because they wanted to interact with fellow homemakers who are fans of K-drama without joining the fangirls. They want to create a safe and comfortable space for their members to interact and express their fandom practices freely. The following Drama Mama admin stated this:

“Initially, Drama Mama was formed because we wanted comfortable interactions, everyone knows each other, if you look at other K-drama groups, the members are mixed with fangirls which ends up causing a fan war. We don’t want that. We want to be on the same wavelength, if the homemakers have more or less the same point of view, so the interaction is comfortable”. (Yulfa, interviewed, September 2, 2023).

Online identity is fundamentally a social construct shaped within the broader online social system. In the process of creating identity, community members engage in group discourse by expressing their opinions, which are then echoed and affirmed by other members. A sense of group identity emerges through collaborative interpretive practices centered around popular culture products, sustained communication, and mutual validation of feelings regarding these products (Baym, 2000). This dynamic is evident in the daily interactions within the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor groups, where expressions of admiration for K-drama actors are affirmed, irrespective of the members’ roles as homemakers. The ongoing emotional support and validation within these groups underscores the idea that it is entirely natural for women, even those identified as mothers, to admire K-drama actors, and to do so collectively. Based on the author’s observation notes, the cultural construction of the role of homemakers in Indonesia also contributes to many female K-drama fans choosing to share their fan identities within limited spaces. The role of a mother is constructed with an attitude of protecting and loving, serving domestic needs, and being loyal and obedient to her husband, therefore, it is inappropriate to admire another man’s body, as stated by the following Drama Mama admin:

“Talking about K-drama without thinking about the stigma attached to us. It is inappropriate for mothers, especially those who wear headscarves, to talk about the oppa body. We can’t talk about that outside. In the group we are allowed to show interest in other men besides our husbands, of course within reasonable limits, not talking about pornographic things. We ourselves have been carried away by that label so we feel it is inappropriate to talk about it in public.” (Yulfa, interviewed, September 2, 2023)

Likewise, the Mamak Ngedrakor group was established in 2018 by two women who met through a volunteer community. They then built a WhatsApp group to share information about K-dramas. Becoming a member of Mamak Ngedrakor requires a recommendation system, where existing members invite others to join. The group description states: “Here we discuss all about K-drama, so that we can stay mentally healthy with all the busyness as wives, mothers, volunteers, and the hustle and bustle of the world.”

Since the creation of these two groups, a distinct identity has emerged, one grounded in the social status of its members, namely homemakers, and positioned in contrast to fangirl culture. Collier (2005) conceptualizes cultural identification as a shared position and orientation that manifests in various forms of communication, including public discourse, mediated representations, artistic expressions, commodities, and individual interpretations of group behavior. She posits that cultural identity is formed through a negotiation between self-perception and the views of others, and it is shaped by context, topic, and relationships. In the case of Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor, the members’ roles as homemakers are reflected in the group names, incorporating the labels “Mama” and “emak-emak.” Bury (2005) also emphasizes that naming a community with terms like “we,” “us,” “our,” or “ours” involves the creation of practices aimed at fostering conformity while also accommodating differences. She provides an example from her research on the female fan community known as the “David Duchovny Estrogen Brigade.” The community’s name signals a recognition of a feminine heterosexual identity. Similarly, the label “emak-emak” in the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor groups signifies that these fandoms are explicitly tailored to adult women, emphasizing their role as married women. This label also serves as a means to distinguish these groups from the stereotypical “fangirls.” Members of Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor perceive fangirls as “little children” who lack significant life experiences such as marriage, employment, or personal loss, which, they believe, influences their fan orientation. This perspective is illustrated by a Drama Mama Member, who remarked as follows:

“For adult viewers like us, appreciating an actor’s appearance can be enjoyable but is not the sole factor in our judgment. It requires a level of maturity to form a more nuanced perspective. In a more mature group, interactions are more comfortable compared to fan groups characterized by hysterical admiration. I do not watch K-dramas solely because an actor is attractive; such an approach feels like a waste of time and energy when there are other activities to engage in. Being married adds additional focus beyond mere entertainment. Our life experiences, including personal losses like those of my younger sibling, husband, and parents, shape our viewership. While others might cry at a drama’s sad ending, I find that my experiences have made me more resilient. Life goes on, and there is still much ahead”. (Dina, interviewed, January 2, 2023)

In addition to viewing fangirls as “little children,” adult women who are K-drama fans perceive them as reckless and overly emotional, often using impolite language that verges on the vulgar and is considered taboo in public expressions of fandom, as stated by a Drama Mama Member:

“They posted comments like ‘I got pregnant online because of oppa’ and ‘My womb feels warm because of oppa.’ I found such statements unreadable. As adults, educated individuals, we can choose to express ourselves in ways that are appropriate and respectful.” (AP, interviewed, February 16, 2023)

Mamak Ngedrakor members stated that they are not the same as “fangirls” based on how they interpret their interest in K-drama and K-drama actors, as stated below:

“We are adults, of course it is different. The focus of the storyline can be reflected in the parenting style and family communication, which can be a topic of discussion on the group page. We can see many positive values, not just watching.” (Ria, interviewed, November 19, 2022)

The research findings reveal that there is a distinct labeling system among fans based on their social status within the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor communities. Members’ identities as adult women, married, having a college education background, residing in urban areas, and holding professional roles such as civil servants, doctors, journalists, and mompreneurs are subject to specific categorizations. This observation aligns with Stanfill’s (2013) assertion that socio-economic status and fans’ perceptions of fandom influence intra-fandom labeling. Common stigmas among fans include perceptions of obsessive behavior, emotional immaturity, childishness, and a lack of intellectualism. These findings further suggest that class serves as a significant marker of identity within the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor subcultures. Data analysis reveals that class distinctions within thesecommunities are represented by indicators such as profession, educational background, and socio-economic status. This finding supports Bury’s (2005) assertion that class is a fundamental identifier within female fandoms. Female fandoms are distinct not only because they are categorized differently, but also because they intentionally distinguish themselves from male and heterosexual fan cultures. The research findings further indicate that urban women in these fandoms are not only differentiating themselves from male and heterosexual fandoms but are also setting themselves apart from K-drama and K-pop fangirls. In addition, the research findings reveal distinct differences in fan activities between urban women in the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor communities and those typically associated with traditional fangirls. While fangirls often engage in support by purchasing merchandise, buying idol-related accessories, saving for albums and concert tickets, and participating in social media voting to support their favorite K-pop idols, adult urban women exhibit different behaviors. These women frequently relate K-drama storylines to their daily lives and use them as topics for discussion on their group pages. For instance, they draw connections between bullying scenes in K-dramas and bullying incidents at their children’s schools, as illustrated below:

“The Korean drama “Glory” depicts how bullying has a significant impact on children’s mental health. We are discussing this issue because there is also much news on social media about bullying cases in schools. As parents, how do we prevent children from bullying actions?” (Yulfa, interviewed, September 2, 2023).

Additionally, K-dramas serve as a source of inspiration for professional and personal endeavors. For example, members use insights from K-dramas about South Korean electronic products, which are perceived as advanced, and adopt design elements showcased in K-dramas for inspiration in the property business, as stated by a Drama Mama Member:

“I run a property business. When I discuss with an architect to plan the interior design of a house, I often get ideas about interior design and electronic devices used from watching Korean dramas. I see the interior design shown in houses and apartments in Korean dramas as an attraction for urban people.” (Dina, interviewed, January 2, 2023)

The findings of this study show that for members of Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor, K- drama is not just entertainment. They are seen as an opportunity to gain knowledge that can be used as inspiration in parenting and business, such as the use of sophisticated South Korean electronic products, and building and interior design elements featured in K-dramas, the latter offering inspiration for use in the property business.

Based on the researchers’ observations, the Mamak Ngedrakor WhatsApp group engages in at least ten conversations daily, with chat activity reaching up to 200 messages when a popular K-drama episode airs or when sensational news about K-drama actors or actresses emerges, such as reports of personal relationships, involvement in criminal cases, or the release of a new drama. Similarly, on the Drama Mama group page, there are at least two posts daily from members, each garnering responses from the community. According to Turkle (2005), online community participants actively share information and engage not only for intrinsic reasons but also to build a reputation and maintain identity within the community. This often involves offering comments that are perceived as intelligent and engaging. However, the findings from this research reveal a different dynamic within the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor groups. Members exhibit self-regulation in their interactions, choosing to disengage from group activities when bored, uncomfortable with the discussion topics, or preoccupied with other responsibilities, as noted by Mamak Ngedrakor admin below:

“Some members are busy taking care of their children after giving birth, others are focused on work, or our friends who are doctors may have many surgeries to perform at the hospital. I believe that because our self-regulation is strong, we can prioritize effectively and will rejoin the group later.” (Ria, interviewed, November 19, 2022)

This sentiment is echoed by other members:

“There are times when we get bored or are not watching the K-drama being discussed in the group. Therefore, I prefer to stay silent.” (Arin, interviewed, July 19, 2022)

K-pop fan discussion forums on social media, which often include members from diverse social and cultural backgrounds, are prone to conflicts arising from differing opinions regarding appearances, management decisions, or personal matters, potentially escalating into emotionally charged discussions (Ramadhan & Yuliana, 2023). However, the findings of this study suggest a different dynamic within the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor groups. One member explained that silence and reducing group activity were strategies for avoiding conflict, especially when they disagreed with or disliked the topic being discussed, as illustrated by a Drama Mama member below:

“I believe that as adults, we can handle conflicts individually. If I feel out of sync with the group, I choose to stay silent and take a break until I feel more stable. Similarly, we do not always need to respond to every topic. I used to post almost every day, but now, due to my busy schedule, I have reduced my activity.” (Liza, interviewed, July 29, 2023)

The interview excerpt highlights the interrelationship between self-regulation and group participation. Members are aware that their presence is acknowledged and maintained through active participation in the subculture; conversely, those who choose to remain silent risk fading into obscurity within the group. However, this dynamic is balanced by maturity in prioritizing roles, self-awareness in avoiding conflict over disliked topics, and the influence of social media algorithms – all of which contribute to a member’s level of activity within the group.

Bury (2005) argues that silence in online communities differs from real-life interaction. In face-to-face interactions, silence can be interpreted as non-verbal communication – such as nodding, smiling, or mumbling – to indicate active listening. However, in online communities, these cues are absent, and participants must engage actively and regularly. Failure to do so leads to members being labeled as “silent readers,” a term that may carry the stigma of being mere eavesdroppers rather than fully engaged group members. In cyberspace, a member’s presence is only acknowledged through visible participation. Contrary to the assumption that member activity levels or fluctuations in group participation are problematic, an interview with a Drama Mama admin reveals a more flexible attitude toward participation. The admin noted the following:

“As an admin, I have never been concerned about fluctuating membership numbers; whether someone chooses to be active or prefers to be a silent reader, it is entirely up to them. Personally, even though I am an admin, it does not mean I am always engaged in posting updates or commenting. Sometimes, I become a silent reader myself, especially if I have not been keeping up with all the K-dramas. There are even times when I take a break from watching altogether.” (Rita, interviewed, October 22, 2022)

This aligns with Baym’s (2000) assertion that in online communities, “silent readers” are always present, yet they are still regarded as part of the community. Based on the authors’ observations of the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor group pages, it is evident that interactions among members are not contingent on their level of activity. For instance, when a member who has been “absent” for an extended period returns to activity, they are warmly and enthusiastically welcomed by others. Similarly, when a member shares a post reflecting their personal experiences tied to a K-drama storyline, other members respond positively, offering support through encouraging comments, as well as sending stickers and emoticons – such as hugs – as symbols of solidarity. The findings of this study are consistent with those of Bacon-Smith (1992), who observed similar patterns in various female fan communities. According to Bacon-Smith, such communities demonstrate a high degree of tolerance, welcoming members from diverse fan backgrounds, including those who may hold radical feminist views. Bacon-Smith argued that fiction fandom provides a judgment-free space for individuals to express their creative ideas, whether through writing, drawing, discussion, or fantasy. It is a place where intelligent women, leaders, artists, as well as those who feel weary, fearful, lonely, or shy, can find a sense of safety and acceptance.

In online communities, language is crucial for establishing group identity. Donath (2005) highlights that language reflects group identity through specific phrases and abbreviations that emerge from interactions within the group, such as IMHO (in my humble opinion), BTW (by the way), SPAM, NEWBIE, and FLAME. This specialized language functions similarly to local dialects in specific regions, signaling one’s identity within the community. For instance, the term “newbie” denotes new or beginner members, thereby providing insight into one’s status and role within the online group. A social group can develop distinctive linguistic characteristics that differentiate it from other groups (Sumarsono, 2014). Fans often create and use specialized language within their communities, which is understood primarily by its members (Azhari & Inayatilah, 2022). This phenomenon is evident in the online female fandoms Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor, where members use terms commonly associated with Korean Wave fans. Some of the terms often used include: Eonni: In the Mamak Ngedrakor group, this term refers to older female members, similar to “older sister” in Korean. Mama: This term is used to greet fellow members of the Drama Mama group. Roti Sobek (English: torn bread): This phrase refers to the abdominal muscles of Korean actors, as depicted in K-drama scenes. Halu/ngehalu: This term describes fan fantasies related to K-drama storylines, roles, and actors. Boarding to Seoul: This phrase refers to the activity of returning to watch K-dramas after a hiatus, which may involve watching other series from Hollywood, China, or Japan.

The term “emak-emak” (English: mothers) was spontaneously created by the members and is readily understood within the community, as indicated by a participant:

“We have developed terms for various aspects of Korean dramas, such as roti sobek (English: torn bread) which was coined spontaneously and, although unusual, was immediately understood by other members.” (Liza, interviewed, July 29, 2023)

This finding aligns with Baym’s (2000) research on online soap opera fan communities, which suggests that friendships within these groups are not spontaneous, but are cultivated through effective communication skills. Interaction helps shape the community’s image as intelligent and humorous, with humor playing a role not only in discussing soap opera topics but also in fostering acceptance and building positive relationships. Similarly, observations of the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor groups reveal that their fan language evolves in tandem with the K-dramas they follow. This observation is consistent with Fauziah and Suhartono (2021), who noted that slang is ephemeral and evolves within groups. In linguistic communities, slang serves both an interactional and social bonding function, strengthening group cohesion.

4.2 Collaborative Action by Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor

The findings of this study also indicate that the identities of the Drama Mama and Mamak Ngedrakor fandoms are shaped through collaborative fan-based activities, distinguishing them from other social groups. For instance, Drama Mama organizes special webinars for its members on a variety of topics, such as household financial management, COVID-19 awareness and management, makeup techniques, and cooking classes. These collaborative initiatives are entirely member-driven and tailored to the community’s specific needs. The trainers and speakers for these sessions are also members of Drama Mama, who bring their professional expertise as doctors, restaurant owners, makeup artists, and financial consultants. Drama Mama also offers a weekly health section, available every Monday, where members can consult with Dr. Eri. On health-related concerns. Eri is a member of Drama Mama. As a doctor, she offered to help fellow members experiencing health problems, so the group admin created the section, “Teh Eri Menjawab” (English: Eri Answers). In addition, there is a “Lapak Mama” section (English: Mom’s Shop), which is open every Friday and where members can sell each other goods such as clothes, household furniture, and food. Through this section, Drama Mama members can increase their financial income, as stated by the following Drama Mama member:

“I used to work in an office, then resigned; I like to cook Padang cuisine. I tried to sell through the Lapak Mama with a pre-order system, so I only cooked based on the number of orders. It turns out that the sales results can increase my income.” (Liza, interviewed July 29, 2023)

During the COVID-19 era, Mamak Ngedrakor created a series of live broadcasts via Instagram with the theme of learning parenting from K-drama. The speakers in this live broadcast were members of Mamak Ngedrakor who worked as psychologists and volunteers in family empowerment organizations. Through this live broadcast, parenting, maternal mental health, and family communication were discussed based on the storyline of one of the K-drama titles. The initiative arose based on their background as volunteers and their desire to be empowered and to prove that watching K-drama is not just entertainment that wastes time. However, many positive things can be learned through K-drama, such as the statement of the Mamak Ngedrakor admin below:

“We have the same passion, a volunteer spirit, so that we are used to taking the initiative, so the idea arose to make a live broadcast, making a parenting review of K-drama, although watching K-drama is entertainment but actually there are many benefits and values that we can take. We make reviews and then tag other friends and read it; we are actually empowered. People will see that K-drama can be reflected in life, has positive values.” (Ria, interviewed, November 19, 2022).

Upon closer examination, it becomes evident that these collaborative activities are not directly related to Hallyu itself, but rather reflect empowerment based on the members’ needs and capabilities within this online female fandom. The collaborative actions can be characterized as “from fans to fans.” The expertise, educational background, and professional experience of Drama Mama members are leveraged to enhance the knowledge, skills, and overall quality of life of fellow members. This form of empowerment diverges significantly from the traditional concept of fan empowerment often discussed in fan studies. Wang (2020) highlights that the practice of fandom in the digital era has sparked debates over the boundaries between fan empowerment and fan exploitation as “free digital labor.” In this context, fans are often recognized as such when they contribute their energy, money, and ideas to the advancement of idols and fandoms (Meicheng, 2020). In many Hallyu fandoms, collaborative actions often serve as a form of resistance against the stereotype that fandom is obsessive and unproductive (Devi, 2022). For instance, in Indonesia, to celebrate the birthday of BTS member Park Jimin, ARMY Indonesia launched an ecological restoration project by planting 8,735 mangrove trees in Bedono Village, Demak, Central Java. Another notable collaborative effort by ARMY involved raising funds through the #MatchAMillion campaign to support the Black Lives Matter movement (So Yeon et al., 2021). In South Korea, female K-pop fans have even participated in anti-government demonstrations, using the glow sticks typically reserved for K-pop concerts as a symbol of protest (Kim, 2017).