Startseite A diachronic analysis of the FIRE character
Artikel Öffentlich zugänglich

A diachronic analysis of the FIRE character

  • Danqing Huang

    Danqing Huang (b. 1990) is a PhD student at the University of Leuven. Her research interests lie in the fields of Cognitive Linguistics and Corpus Linguistics, with a specific focus on language variation and change. Her publications include “Visualization of diachronic change of English irregular verbs: A corpus-based study” (2016), “A multivariate analysis of the collostruction of English intensifiers: A case study” (2017), and A corpus-based study on the sociolinguistic variation of past-tense forms of English irregular verbs (2017).

    EMAIL logo
    , Dirk Geeraerts

    Dirk Geeraerts (b. 1955) is professor of linguistics at the University of Leuven. His research interests include lexical semantics and lexicology in a cognitive linguistic framework, with a specific focus on semantic variation and change. His publications include Diachronic prototype semantics (1997), The Oxford handbook of cognitive linguistics (2007), Theories of lexical semantics (2010), and Ten lectures on cognitive sociolinguistics (2018).

    und Weiwei Zhang

    Weiwei Zhang (b. 1983) is a Marie Curie Postdoctoral Fellow at the Department of Linguistics, University of Leuven. Her research interests lie in the fields of cognitive linguistics and corpus linguistics in general, with a specific focus on metaphor/metonymy, construction grammar, language change/variation, and lectometry. Her publications include “Visualizing onomasiological change” (2015), “Cross-linguistic variation in metonymies for PERSON” (2015), Variation in metonymy (2016), and “(Non)metonymic expressions for GOVERNMENT in Chinese” (2018).

Veröffentlicht/Copyright: 14. Januar 2021
Veröffentlichen auch Sie bei De Gruyter Brill

Abstract

Chinese radicals are the semantic components of Chinese characters that generally indicate major concepts and categories. Characters that share the same radical may be semantically linked in various ways to the broad semantic category that the radical represents, and radicals may thus be considered a categorization mechanism to distinguish lexical meanings. Given the fact that FIRE is an independent character that can also be used as a radical in composite characters, the question arises as to what extent the semantic developments of the FIRE character and the FIRE radical are similar, i.e. does the FIRE radical develop independently of the FIRE character? Against the background of this question, this paper studies the diachronic semantic structure of the FIRE character, which will be compared to the FIRE radical in composite characters in follow-up studies. The analysis shows that the overall diachronic development of the FIRE character exhibits prototypical characteristics and a radial network structure.

1 Introduction

Cognitive linguistics, with its emphasis on the cognitive function of language, centers on language as an instrument for organizing, processing, and conveying information (Geeraerts 1997: 7–8). Following this research tradition, language is primarily considered as a structured system of meaningful categories (e.g. Lakoff 1987; Lakoff and Johnson 2003; Langacker 1987, 1991). As one of the fields of cognitive linguistics, cognitive semantics continues the tradition of focusing on how meaning varies, for example polysemy, metaphor, metonymy, etc. (e.g. Dirven and Pörings 2002). Diachronic semantic studies look at how meaning varies through time and have been implemented in a number of related fields of cognitive linguistics, such as systematic classification of different types of prototypical effects based on diachronic semantic structure (Geeraerts 1997), grammaticalization in semantic change (Hopper and Traugott 2003), typological study of polysemy (Vanhove 2008), diachronic studies of metaphor and metonymy (Winters et al. 2010), and incorporation of empirical-based research techniques and historical semantic studies (Allan and Robinson 2012), to name a few.

Among all the research, “the theory of prototypes is the best known contribution of cognitive semantics to lexical semantics” (Rastier 1999: 1). Prototype-based studies of lexical semantics, which investigate the internal structure of the categorization of language, have implemented diverse formats of representation to describe lexical semantic structure (e.g. Geeraerts 1989, 1997, 2006, 2007; Geeraerts et al. 1994; Labov 1973; Lakoff 1987; Langacker 1987; Wittgenstein 1986). Based on two prototypicality issues, viz. salience effects among the members of the category and the absence of classical definability, these formats of representation include a family resemblance structure of overlapping sets (members of one category share overlapping partial definitions), a radial network model (members of one category are mutually linked to one another), a schematic network model (hierarchical networks), and a multidimensional model (the semantic structure can be described by a set of interacting dimensions) (Geeraerts 2007). However, this research tradition and its diverse formats of representation have not been widely applied to Chinese, more specifically, to Chinese characters and radicals.

Chinese radicals are important semantic symbols in Chinese characters which represent major concepts and categories of lexical meanings of characters (see Chen 2012). Radicals may be seen as a mechanism of categorization, since characters that share the same radical may be semantically connected to the same semantic category that the radical represents. For instance, the character 灼 zhuó takes the FIRE radical 火 on the left. This character in turn refers to ‘burn,’ which is semantically linked to the semantic category to which the FIRE radical refers. In this sense, lexical semantic studies of Chinese radicals are within the scope of prototype-based studies of lexical semantics. However, traditional studies of Chinese characters or radicals in Chinese linguistics are philological in nature (e.g. Lu and Wang 1994; Wang 1996). These studies tend to focus on the origin of radicals and characters, their graphemic development through time, and the symbolic connection between the character’s graphemic form and its phonetic aspect. In other words, not only has the cognitive aspect of Chinese radicals been neglected, but also prototype-based studies of Chinese radicals seem to be a missing corner.

Against this backdrop, this study takes the perspective of cognitive linguistics to fill this research gap. More specifically, we present a case study of FIRE to show the possibility of incorporating prototype theory and the diachronic semantic approach into Chinese semantic studies. Additionally, this paper applies visual representation techniques used in prototype-based studies of lexical semantics to Chinese. The study features the following parts. Section 2 gives a brief introduction of Chinese words and Chinese characters, in particular the hierarchical structure of Chinese words and two types of characters that differ in their internal structure. We present our method and analysis in Section 3. Finally, Section 4 discusses the findings.

2 Chinese words and Chinese characters

Before moving on to the details of the case study, it is necessary to briefly introduce Chinese words and Chinese characters in order to understand the nature of radicals. The history of the Chinese language can be traced back to more than 3000 years ago. The oldest written form of the Chinese language came into existence in the Shang dynasty (about 1711–1066 B.C.) in the form of inscriptions on animal bones, in particular tortoise shells referred to as oracle bone inscriptions (甲骨文 jiǎ-gǔ-wén) (Yin 2016: 52). From oracle bone inscriptions emerged pictographic characters (象形字 xiàng-xíng-zì), which are among the earliest Chinese characters.

象形者, 画成其物, 随体诘诎, 日、月是也。[Pictographic characters are the characters which depict concrete things. The depicting forms vary from object to object in terms of the shapes different things have. For instance, the characters 日 ‘sun’ and 月 ‘moon’ are typical pictographic characters.] (Xu 1963: Foreword)

More specifically, pictographic characters are characters that are simple and iconic symbols drawn to describe concrete things based on experiential events. Since pictographic characters depict things as a whole, they are usually inseparable in structure, i.e. they cannot be decomposed into sub-independent characters or components. The advantage of pictographic characters therefore lies in their simplicity of iconicity when it comes to lexical meanings. Despite the simplicity of iconicity, pictographic characters come with two disadvantages (Uher 2012: 21). First and foremost, pictographic characters fail to depict abstract concepts and concrete things that are difficult to draw in simple symbols, so the language needs more than just pictographic characters. Second, since it is based on people’s experience of concrete things, the written forms of certain pictographic characters may vary from person to person. Hence, one lexical item may be represented by variant graphemic forms, which may cause graphemic ambiguity.

Given the advantages and disadvantages of pictographic characters, the Chinese language, on the one hand, has inherited the feature of iconicity from which it has developed a unique writing system. That is, a writing system that is “formed with Chinese characters, which are symbols constructed and used to convey meanings” (Yin 2016: 51). In this sense, the history and development of the Chinese language is, to a certain extent, the history and development of Chinese characters. On the other hand, new characters based on pictographic characters are made to overcome the limitations of pictographic characters, namely indicative characters (指示字 zhǐ-shì-zì),[1] associative characters (会意字 huì-yì-zì),[2] picto-phonetic characters (形声字 xíng-shēng-zì),[3] explanative characters (转注字 zhuǎn-zhù-zì), and phonetic loan characters (假借字 jiǎ-jiè-zì)[4] (e.g. Uher 2012: 21–25; Yin 2016: 55).

Since symbols are constructed in the Chinese language to convey meanings (Yin 2016: 51), it is crucial to know how Chinese characters are structured, and how radicals contribute to the unique semiotic system of Chinese writing. Generally, Chinese words and characters follow a compositional hierarchy (Hsieh 2006: 30–33). This hierarchy consists of four levels, namely the level of word, the level of character, the level of radical, and the level of stroke. Figure 1 exemplifies the structure of Chinese words with a modern compound word of two characters, namely 火炮 huǒ-pào ‘artillery; cannon.’

Figure 1: 
					Four levels of Chinese words.The illustration of how the strokes of 火 ‘fire’ are drawn comes from https://zh.m.wiktionary.org/zh/火.
Figure 1:

Four levels of Chinese words.[5]

2.1 Word

Chinese words have taken different forms through time. In general, Ancient Chinese words are usually monosyllabic and therefore always graphemically represented by one character. One character can possibly denote multiple lexical items, so they are often polysemous. However, the form of a character that refers to multiple lexical meanings typically cannot remain stable. On the one hand, the need to have more words is inevitable, since the development of society drives the need for a bigger vocabulary to name new things and to communicate with one another. If the words remain monosyllabic, each character will be too polysemous and therefore too ambiguous to understand clearly. To avoid the lexical ambiguity caused by very polysemous characters, new characters emerged to share the burden.

However, vocabulary does not expand indefinitely, since the principle of economy restrains the overall number of words (see Wang 2016: 38). Therefore, to resolve the conflict between the need to expand the vocabulary and the principle of economy, Modern Chinese constrains the words’ contexts of use by making disyllabic and sometimes multisyllabic words, which typically form compounds of either two, three, or four characters. To illustrate this more clearly, let us have a look at the word example given in Figure 1. The word 火炮 huǒ-pào ‘artillery; cannon’ is a modern compound word of two characters. That is, the phonetic sound and the semantic meaning of the compound are both the combinations of each character’s phonetic sound and semantic meaning. As discussed above, 火 huǒ and 炮 pào were monosyllabic words by themselves, and each of them were polysemous: 火 huǒ refers to ‘fire’ literally as well as ‘to cook’ metonymically; 炮 pào means ‘cannon’ literally as well as ‘firecracker’ metonymically. The combination of 火 huǒ and 炮 pào limits the meaning to ‘the cannon that uses fire,’ which can be further generalized as ‘artillery.’

2.2 Character

Chinese characters can be divided into either independent characters (独体字 dú-tǐ-zì) or composite characters (合体字 hé-tǐ-zì) based on their internal structure (see Qiu 1988: 10). Independent characters are mostly pictographic or indicative characters,[6] which originally derived from ancient inscriptions (e.g. oracle bone inscriptions). Semantically, independent characters do not contain decomposable sub-components and therefore they are usually regarded as being formed directly by strokes. Composite characters, on the other hand, are formed by “two or more than two individual components” (see Yang 2017: 436). Very often, these individual components refer to the independent characters that function as either semantic or phonetic indicators in composite characters. In Modern Chinese linguistics, these independent characters that function as semantic or phonetic indicators in composite characters are known as radicals in a general sense (e.g. Wang 2016: 97; Yeh et al. 2017). Typically, the phonetic sounds of the composite characters are similar to the phonetic radical, whereas the lexical meanings of the composite characters are connected to the semantic radical. For instance, the character 炮 pào ‘cannon’ and the character 抱 bào ‘embrace; hold’ share the same phonetic indicator 包 bāo. The FIRE character 火 huǒ indicates that the lexical meaning of the character 炮 pào ‘cannon’ is related to ‘fire’ whereas the HAND radical 扌 shǒu indicates that the lexical meaning of the character 抱 bào ‘embrace; hold’ is related to ‘hand.’ In addition to its function as a semantic indicator, FIRE can also be used as a phonetic indicator. For example, the characters 伙 huǒ ‘partner; companion’ and 钬 huǒ ‘holmium’ both use the phonetic sound of the FIRE character 火 huǒ. The PEOPLE radical 亻 indicates that the lexical meaning of the characters 伙 huǒ ‘partner; companion’ is related to ‘people’ whereas the METAL radical 钅 indicates that the lexical meaning of the 钬 huǒ ‘holmium’ is related to ‘metal.’ Although independent characters are the source of many radicals, not every radical can be used as an independent character. For instance, radicals that are in their variant written forms (i.e. variant radicals) cannot be independent characters. Variant radicals are usually used for the purpose of saving writing space while representing the original radicals in the character (Wang 2016: 102). The FIRE radical also has two written forms: the original form 火 and the variant form 灬. The variant FIRE radical takes the form of four dots 灬 to represent the original FIRE radical at the bottom of the characters to save writing space. However, only the original FIRE radical can be used as in independent character.

Against this backdrop, pictographic or indicative characters that can be used either as an independent character or as a radical in composite characters have a binary identity, such as 火 huǒ and 包 bāo in Figure 1. More specifically, the character 炮 pào consists of 火 huǒ and 包 bāo, in which 火 huǒ is the semantic indicator while 包 bāo is the phonetic indicator. Graphemically, 炮 takes the integrated form in which 火 is on the left side whereas 包 is on the right side. Semantically, 火 huǒ indicates the broad semantic category of 炮 to be relevant to FIRE. Phonetically, the character 炮 pào rhymes with the phonetic indicator 包 bāo. In other words, both 火 huǒ and 包 bāo are independent characters that can be used as semantic and phonetic indicators in composite characters.

2.3 Radical

Although both semantic and phonetic indicators in composite characters may be referred to as radicals in a general sense, the present paper adheres to the stricter sense of radicals, namely the semantic indicators as radicals in composite characters. Therefore, only 火 huǒ ‘fire’ is included at the radical level in Figure 1. Xu (1963) lists 540 radicals according to concepts such as FIRE, WATER, GRASS, etc. Characters that share the same radical are somehow semantically linked to the broad semantic category that the radical indicates (Chen 2012). If we apply this to FIRE, this means that the characters that contain the FIRE radical are related in meaning to the same semantic category FIRE, such as 炮 pào ‘cannon’ in Figure 1. To some extent, one can more or less guess the lexical meaning of the character by just looking at the radical. Therefore, radicals may be seen as a categorization mechanism that distinguishes lexical meanings. From a semasiological perspective, radicals also go through semantic change and variation through time. For instance, Jiang (2014) argues that the GRASS radical 艹 generalizes its meaning from ‘grass’ to ‘plant.’ Consequently, characters that incorporate the GRASS radical tend to imply meanings that are related to ‘plant’ rather than to ‘grass.’ Meanwhile, radicals are also found to play a role in distinguishing meaning clusters that arise through homonymic or polysemous clashes over time, for example the reorganization of the radicals in paronyms[7] (同源词 tóng-yuán-cí) (e.g. Wang 1958; Yang 2017).

2.4 Stroke

The structure in Figure 1 ends at the level of the stroke. Strokes are usually patterns of dots or lines, which are known as the minimal graphic units that form Chinese characters (Hsieh 2006: 32). The eight basic and fundamental strokes are 丶 (dot), 一 (horizontal stroke), 丨 (vertical stroke), 丿 (left sweep), , , Í (zag), and 亅 (J hook), which can be combined into various sets and patterns that constitute all the characters. With this in mind, 火 huǒ ‘fire’ is formed by 丶 (dot), 丿 (left sweep), 丿 (left sweep), and .

Given the semantic functions of Chinese radicals, it is interesting to investigate what role radicals play in the semantic change and variation of the Chinese language within the framework of cognitive linguistics and prototype theory. Concretely, the following research questions are of great interest. First, as a way of categorization, what role do radicals play in Chinese characters? Second, do radicals go through internal semantic change? If so, what are the possible diachronic changes that radicals go through? What is the underlying mechanism that drives the semasiological development of radicals? Third, how does radicals’ semasiological change influence the word and character networks in which they are involved? Fourth, how does the semantics of the radical relate to the semantics of the same form when used as an independent character?

With these questions in mind, FIRE is chosen as the research subject for three reasons. First, it enjoys an important research value from a linguistic and cultural point of view since FIRE is one of the most basic and important concepts of the Chinese language. Additionally, the available linguistic materials for such a case are very abundant, as FIRE is one of the earliest pictographic characters. Finally, FIRE’s high stability of graphemic representation over time (Wang 2018: 388) makes the diachronic footprint of FIRE easier to trace and helps the study to be conducted in a more consistent and controllable way.

Given the fact that FIRE is a pictographic character that has a binary identity, this paper studies the diachronic semantic structure of the FIRE character, which will be opposed to the FIRE radical in composite characters in follow-up studies. More specifically, before we answer the research questions for the FIRE radical, it is crucial to investigate the historical semantic change of the FIRE character. Therefore, the present case study investigates the FIRE character as the first step toward answering the fourth research question above, which can be divided into the following sub-questions: (i) what is the internal semantic structure of the FIRE character? (ii) through which semantic mechanisms or other motivational factors are all senses within the internal semantic structure of the FIRE character linked as a network?

3 Method and analysis

3.1 Data

We carried out a panchronic analysis of the semantic structure of the senses of the FIRE character, which is further verified by the diachronic pathways of how senses extend from one to another via time identification of the senses. Therefore, the analysis consists of two consecutive steps. In step one, we looked at the semantic relations of the senses of the FIRE character, explored the mechanisms that underlie the extensions, and investigated the semantic structure of the FIRE character accordingly. The analysis of the semantic structure of the FIRE character in step one is panchronic for two reasons. First, the data we used is dictionary data, which include all the senses of the FIRE character across different periods of time. However, the analysis is also not strictly diachronic because some of the dictionary senses are no longer used in Modern Chinese. Therefore, the first step of the analysis of the FIRE character is panchronic as the senses are not restricted to particular time periods. In the second step, we tested the findings from the panchronic analysis against diachronic dictionary data. Specifically, we dated the earliest appearance of each sense to determine the diachronic pathways of the senses.

Since Chinese words have developed from monosyllabic characters to multisyllabic compound words over time, there are dictionaries of Chinese characters and dictionaries of Chinese compound words. Since dictionaries of Chinese compound words consist of characters and compound words formed by the characters, both types of dictionaries have to be included for data collection in studies on Chinese characters. The data we used stems from The great Chinese dictionary of characters (GCDC, 《汉语大字典》) (Xu 1988) and The great dictionary of Chinese (GDC, 《汉语大词典》) (Luo 1991). These two dictionaries are suitable databases for the present study for two reasons. First, the GCDC and the GDC are the largest collections of Chinese characters and Chinese compound words, respectively. The first dictionary, the GCDC, covers around 56,000 characters, including not only the standard characters used today (i.e. the regular script) but also the variant characters (异体字 yì-tǐ-zì) (i.e. the same characters with different writing styles due to chronological, geographical, or dialectal factors). Although the variant characters are not used today and may only have existed during certain periods of time, the inclusion of the variant characters and their relation to the standard and variant characters provide some traces of the historical footprints of Chinese characters. The second dictionary, the GDC, contains over 2200 characters and 375,000 lexical entries. Although the number of new and colloquial compound words included in the GDC is limited, it is still a rich data set of the most frequent and core compound words. Be that as it may, since this study traces the diachronic semantic network of FIRE as an independent character, the compound words are currently not the primary focus and will not be included in this study. Moreover, the abundance of the GCDC and the GDC also lies in their wide coverage of diachronic lexical materials (i.e. diachronic quotations for lexical meanings). Specifically, quotations of the same sense can be traced from before the Qin Dynasty (221–207 B.C.) to after the Qing Dynasty (1636–1912). In addition, all the quotations are representative instances from texts of different genres ranging from ancient dictionaries (i.e. the one considered as authoritative reference at the time), encyclopedic collections, and historical records to poems, fiction, and classic philosophical works (e.g. Confucius classics). All the quotations are also listed from the oldest to the most recent in chronology together with their corresponding source (viz. text and author information), which offers readers a general track of the diachronic appearances of the senses. In this regard, the large collection of characters and compounds and the wide coverage of diachronic quotations not only provide us with abundant diachronic materials, but also provide a source of authentic, representative data on the different senses.

3.2 Analysis

The first step of our analysis was to collect all the senses of the FIRE character in the two dictionaries (viz. the GCDC and the GDC)[8] while not taking into consideration compounds formed by the FIRE character in the GDC. All the senses were manually retrieved together with the quotations they occurred in. Next, the senses retrieved from the two dictionaries were reorganized for data cleaning. In particular, the cleaning process includes the following steps:

  1. Same or similar senses collected from the different dictionaries were counted as one sense in our analysis. For instance, the sense ‘burn’ is mentioned by both the GCDC and the GDC. As a result, as it is the same sense mentioned twice in the two dictionaries, ‘burn’ was collected and counted as one sense in the data.

  2. Nuances of a more general sense were identified as separate senses for identifying the chronological differences of the earliest appearance of each nuance. For instance, when FIRE is interpreted in medical terms, the GCDC lists three nuances (i.e. ‘medical terms: physiological heat,’ ‘medical terms: one of the six causes of disease,’ and ‘medical terms: pathological hyperfunctions, i.e. excessive activity or hyperactivity’), whereas the GDC gives a summarized sense ‘disease cause of dysphoria, inflammation, redness, etc. in traditional Chinese medicine.’ We traced the earliest quotations of all of them and found chronological differences. As shown in Table 1, only the sense ‘physiological heat’ shows up around the same period of time as the sense ‘disease cause of dysphoria, inflammation, redness, etc. in traditional Chinese medicine’ in the GDC. The other two medical terms in the GCDC appear much later. So the three nuances were counted as three separate senses in the analysis.

Table 1:

The earliest appearances of the FIRE character’s medical senses in the GDC and the GCDC.

Dictionary Sense Earliest appearance
GDC Disease cause of dysphoria, inflammation, redness, etc. in traditional Chinese medicine 475 B.C.–220
GCDC a. Medical terms: physiological heat 475 B.C.–220
b. Medical terms: one of the six causes of disease 1174
c. Medical terms: pathological hyperfunctions 751–814

3.2.1 Step 1: The semantic structure of the FIRE character

After reorganizing the data, we identified 27 senses (see Table 2 for details). Based on their lexical meanings, we analyzed the potential mechanisms of semantic extension at the origin of the different senses as well as the semantic relations that hold between them. This yields the semantic structure of the FIRE character displayed in Figure 2. Figure 2 reveals that the semantic structure of the FIRE character appears to be a radial network. In other words, all the senses are mutually connected in the network. In addition, the structure radiates from the inner circle to the outer area, with senses developing from the core to the periphery. All the senses are listed together with one of the most typical quotations they occurred in. The selected quotations are illustrated with the assistance of The Leipzig Glossing Rules.[9]

Table 2:

The chronological appearances of the FIRE character’s senses.

Sense Time Order
Burn out 468 B.C. 1
Fire as a natural disaster 468 B.C. 1
Light (n.); brightness 376 B.C. 2
To cook food thoroughly by fire 348 B.C. 3
Illumination tools, such as torch, candle, etc. 286 B.C. 4
To refer to something urgent or pressing 286 B.C. 4
Thunder and lightning 286 B.C. 4
Medical terms: physiological heat 221 B.C. 5
Medical terms: causes of disease 221 B.C. 5
Mars 94 B.C. 6
Firelight and flames produced by burning 5 B.C. 7
Flame-shaped patterns on ancient clothes 5 B.C. 7
One element of the five elements 5 B.C. 7
Antares 5 B.C. 7
Ancient unit of military system, a military unit made by 10 people 513 8
Companion; group made by companionship, company 520 9
Red 755 10
Medical terms: pathological hyperfunctions 814 11
Anger 846 12
Cold food day/Festival 880 13
The roasting process of tea leaves 107337 14
Strong emotions and desires 1257 15
Guns and ammunition 1590 16
Checking things by firelight (methods) 1715 17
Warm; internal heat 1905 18
Temporal quantifier, synonym of year 1911 19
Get angry 1936 20
Figure 2: 
							The semantic structure of the FIRE character.
Figure 2:

The semantic structure of the FIRE character.

(1)
物体燃烧时产生的光和焰。‘firelight and flames produced by burning’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
火, 燬也。南方之行, 炎而上。象形。凡火之属皆从火。
‘Fire burns things down. It refers to south. In the process of burning, light, heat and flames are released. Fire is a pictographic character and all semantically ‘fire’-related characters contain FIRE as the radical.’
(Shuo Wen Jie Zi,[10] ‘An analysis and explanation of characters’)

In this quotation, FIRE is described from two perspectives, i.e. what the literal fire is and in consequence, what FIRE means semantically as a character and a radical. At the literal level, FIRE is a complicated natural phenomenon – a burning process that simultaneously releases byproducts such as light, heat, flames, etc. At the semantic level, FIRE is a pictographic character that can also be used as a radical in composite characters, which are semantically related to its literal meaning. In this respect, we assume that the original sense describes not only the literal fire but also the prototypical sense of FIRE, since it is an experiential phenomenon. Therefore, the FIRE character is a pictographic character which in turn confirms the prototypical nature of FIRE. The core of the semantic structure of the FIRE character is literal FIRE, or more specifically, the complicated burning process with multiple facets such as light, heat, and flames mentioned in quotation (1). If we think of FIRE, different people may bring up different facets, since the experience of fire is individual. Hence, it is not so strange that the dictionary may not list all the characteristic facets of the burning process. For instance, FIRE is also typically reddish and produces energy, so we argue that RED and ENERGY should also be included as characteristic facets. The prototypical core is displayed in Figure 3. Since all the other facets are released during the burning process, BURNING is found to be the central facet. Thus, the other facets are found to be connected to BURNING through metonymy. Moreover, the overall semantic structure is a complicated radial network where all facets have related clusters of extensions. Therefore, the analysis is introduced from facet to facet followed by their extended clusters. Since BURNING is the central facet, we now start from the related senses of BURNING.

Figure 3: 
							The core of the semantic structure of the FIRE character.
Figure 3:

The core of the semantic structure of the FIRE character.

(2)
焚烧。‘burn out’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
火, 化也, 消化物也。亦言毁也, 物入中皆毁坏也。
‘Fire burns things down. That is, it destroys or damages things in it.’
(Shi Ming, ‘On naming’)
(3)
特指火灾。‘with a specific reference of fire as a natural disaster’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
夏, 成周宣榭火, 人火之也。凡火, 人火曰火,天火曰災。
xia, chengzhou xuanxie huo, ren huo
Summer, Chengzhou[11] Xuan:pavilion[12] fire, people fire
zhi ye. fan huo, ren huo
3P FP. All fire, people fire
yue huo, tian huo yue zai.
COP fire, heaven fire COP disaster.
‘In the summer, the pavilion in Chengzhou was set on fire by people. Regarding fire, if it is set deliberately by people, then it is arson; if it is caused by natural reasons, then it is a disaster.’
(Zuo Zhuan, ‘The spring and autumn annals’)

Here, senses (2) ‘burn out’ and (3) ‘to refer in particular to burning fire as a natural disaster’ are related to the facet BURNING in the two dictionaries. First, sense (3) seems to be closely connected to sense (2) in that they may both be interpreted as concrete specializations of the more general sense ‘burning’ by focusing on different aspects of the process. For instance, ‘burn out’ may be seen as a specialization of the burning intensity (i.e. a thorough burning) whereas ‘burning fire as a natural disaster’ is regarded as a type of burning. Furthermore, we also find metonymical relations between both senses. Given that FIRE ‘burns things down and destroys things in it,’ ‘burn out’ may also be interpreted as the result of a complete combustion whereas ‘burning fire as a natural disaster’ presents the consequence of the burning process. In this respect, both senses may be seen as metonymical nuances of the more general sense ‘burning.’ Yet, if ‘burn out’ is considered as a thorough burning, ‘burning fire as a natural disaster’ may be seen as the consequence of sense (2). Then, sense (3) may also be seen as a metonymical extension of sense (2). In addition, the metonymical relation between sense (3) and ENERGY may hold in both directions, since FIRE can be seen as a kind of strong ENERGY, which can be a disaster when it is out of control.

(4)
用火将食物煮熟。‘to cook food thoroughly by fire’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
孔子围于陈、蔡之间, 七日不火食。
kong-zi wei yu Chen, Cai zhi
Confucius besiege LOC;PASS Chen, Cai ASSOC
jian, qi ri bu huo shi.
middle seven day-CL NEG fire food.
‘Confucius was besieged between Chen and Cai, and for seven days he ate no cooked food.’ (Translated by Watson 2013: 159)
(Zhuangzi, The mountain tree)

Here in (4), we find a simple and straightforward extension of the literal FIRE. The burning fire is used as a tool or method to ‘cook food thoroughly.’ Therefore, the notion of using fire to ‘cook food thoroughly’ is metonymically connected to the literal FIRE, or more specifically to the facet BURNING. Following this line of extension, senses (5)–(7) also appear to be related to this cluster. In particular, quotation (5) shows that ‘the roasting process of tea leaves’ is a clear specialization of the notion ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire.’ What’s more, sense (6) is also found to be related to (4) ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire,’ in which FIRE refers to the literal fire used to cook in the army. In this case, it has a metonymical interpretation due to the eating habits in the army, i.e. soldiers set up fire to cook and eat in a unit of 10 people in the army. Furthermore, sense (7), which appears chronologically later, may be seen as a generalization from sense (6) to a larger notion GROUP/UNIT. Figure 4 summarizes the relations of senses (1)–(7).

Figure 4: 
							Semantic relations of senses (1)–(7).
Figure 4:

Semantic relations of senses (1)–(7).

(5)
指茶叶的熏焙。‘the roasting process of tea leaves’ (Luo 1991)
茶事起于惊蛰前, 其采芽如鹰爪, 初造曰试焙, 又曰一火, 其次曰二火, 二火之茶, 已次一火矣。故市茶芽者, 惟同出于三火前者为最佳。
cha shi qi yu jingzhe [13] qian,
Tea affair begin at the.Waking.of.Insects before,
qi cai ya ru yingzhao, chuzao
3P pick bud like eagle:craw, first:make
yue shibei, you yue yi huo,
COP pilot:bake also COP first huo
qici yue er huo, er huo
next COP second huo, second huo
zhi cha, yi ci yi huo
ASSOC tea PFV second-rate first huo
yi. gu shi cha ya zhe,
FP. So market tea bud FP,
wei tong chu yu san huo
only same out PREP third huo
qian zhe wei zuijia.
before FP COP the:best.
‘The tea production starts before the Waking of Insects. The tender buds which take the shape of eagle claws are collected. The first round of production is the pilot roasting. It is also called the first huǒ. The second round is called the second huǒ, which is less good than the first huǒ. So the tea buds that only made less than three huǒ are the best tea leaves in the market.’
(Pincha Yaolu, ‘A record of tea tasting’)
(6)
古代兵制单位。十人为“火”。‘ancient unit of military system, a military unit made by 10 people’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
天与弟天生,少为队将,十人同火。
tianyu di tiansheng, shao wei dui
Tianyu younger.brother Tiansheng, young become team
jiang, shi ren tong huo
general, ten people together fire.
‘Tianyu’s younger brother Tiansheng became a team general in the army when he was young. Ten of them share the same fire to cook and to eat.’
(Song Shu,[14] ‘Book of Song’)
(7)
同伴; 由同伴组成的集体。后作“夥”。‘companion; group made by companionship, company’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
同火人典御监秦阿女等。
tong huo ren dianyujian [15] Qin-Anv [16] deng.
Same huo people DianyuJian Ms. Qin etc.
‘The companions, such as Dianyujian Ms QIN, etc.’
(Dajian Liu Asu Muzhi, ‘An epigraph from a eunuch named Liu Asu’)

Now let us move on to the extended clusters that are linked to the facet HEAT. For example, the notion of ‘internal heat’ described in quotation (8) as the sensory feeling of getting warm is indirectly linked to FIRE through HEAT, given that sense (8) is a metonymical extension of the facet HEAT. Moreover, based on the same physiological experience of feeling warm internally, FIRE can also be metaphorized from the literal FIRE to refer to sense (9) ‘physiological fire produced by yang qi and providing energy to the whole body’ in medical contexts. In contrast to the simple sensory feeling described in sense (8), the ‘physiological fire’ described in (9) is a metaphorized medical term based on the real physiological experience.

(8)
热, 热气。‘warm; internal heat’ (Luo 1991)
赵大人吃酒吃的火上来了, 把小帽子、皮袍子一齐脱掉。
zhao daren [17] chi jiu chi-de huo shang lai-le
Zhao Daren eat alcohol eat-COMP fire up come-ASP
ba xiao maozi, pi paozi yiqi tuodiao.
PREP little hat leather jacket together take:off.
‘Officer Zhao feels warm while drinking, so he takes off his little hat together with his leather jacket.’
(Guanchang Xianxing Ji, ‘The records of officialdom exposure’ Chapter 13)
(9)
中医学术语①: 指生理的火。为阳气所化, 生命的动力。如少火、命门火等。‘Terms in traditional Chinese medicine ①: Physiological fire: it is produced by yang qi and provides energy.’ (Xu 1988)
少阳司火, 其化以火。
shao yang si huo, qi hua yi huo.
Shao yang take.charge.of fire, weather generate PASS fire.
‘Shao-yang[18] takes charge of fire, weather is generated by fire.’
(Su Wen,[19] ‘Basic questions’)

In senses (10) and (11), FIRE is also used to refer to medical terms. In (10), FIRE can be ‘one of the six causes of disease’ if the ‘physiological fire’ is dysfunctional or disrupted in the body, which indicates a metonymical development from (9) to (10). Sense (11) may also be seen as a metonymy that developed from the ‘physiological fire’ since ‘fever’ in quotation (11) may be seen as a pathological performance caused by the disrupted ‘physiological fire’.

(10)
中医学术语②: 指病因六淫 (风、寒、暑、湿、燥、火) 之一。与暑热同性, 但无明显季节性。‘Terms in traditional Chinese medicine②: Fire as one of the six causes of disease (wind, chill, hot, wet, dry and fire). It shares the same feature with hot, but it has no obvious seasonality.’ (Xu 1988; Luo 1991)
夫百病之生也, 皆生于风、寒、暑、湿、燥、火。
fu bai bing zhi sheng ye, jie sheng
3P hundred disease ASSOC generate FP, all generate
yu feng, han, shu, shi, zao, huo.
PASS wind, cold, heat, wet, dry, fire.
‘All diseases are caused by wind, cold, heat, wet, dry and fire.’
(Su Wen, ‘Basic questions’)
(11)
中医学术语③: 病理性的各种机能亢进的表现。‘Terms in traditional Chinese medicine③: pathological hyperfunctions, i.e. excessive activity or hyperactivity’ (Xu 1988)
飞光赤道路, 内火焦肺肝。
fei guang chi daolu, nei huo jiao fei gan
Fly light red road, inner fire burn lung liver.
‘The light along the road turns red, as fever torments my inmost thoughts.’
(Lu Bing, ‘Sick on the road’ a poem by MENG Jiao)

However, the reason that FIRE or INTERNAL HEAT can be interpreted in traditional Chinese medicine terms is also related to sense (12) ‘FIRE is one of the five elements.’ Generally, the five elements doctrine is a philosophical theory descending from the classic Daoist theory of yin-yang.[20]

According to the yin-yang doctrine, all phenomena and things in the universe, the human body included, are governed by the law of unity between opposites represented by two Chinese words: 阴 yin ‘feminine; negative’ and 阳 yang ‘masculine; positive’. This ultimate law states that yin and yang are both opposed to and dependent on each other, and can even turn into each other (Yu 2009: 105).

In quotation (12), the notion of ‘FIRE as one of the five elements’ is introduced in its philosophical sense. That is, the five elements are not concrete substances but abstract concepts that illustrate how the universe is dynamically equilibrated according to the tradition of Daoism. More specifically, each element is generated after another, while each is restrained by another in sequence. In particular, the outer arrowheads indicate the direction of mutual promotion, whereas the inner arrowheads indicate the direction of mutual restraint between five elements (Yu 2009: 106). The mutually promoting and restraining relations are exhibited in Figure 5 (from Chen 1989: 1000, translated by Yu 2009: 106).

Figure 5: 
							Relation of mutual promotion and restraint among the five elements (from Chen 1989: 1000, translated by Yu 2009: 106).
Figure 5:

Relation of mutual promotion and restraint among the five elements (from Chen 1989: 1000, translated by Yu 2009: 106).

In terms of the five elements theory, FIRE represents the concepts that are closely related to the literal FIRE, viz. concepts such as HOT, UP, and LIGHT. Therefore, anything that shares similar features with the literal FIRE is classified in the FIRE element category. In this regard, the sense ‘FIRE as one of the five elements’ is a specialization of the literal FIRE. Moreover, the five elements are not only important concepts but also symbols of a deeply rooted philosophy and ideology in the community. In consequence, the five elements theory has been applied and interpreted metonymically in a wide variety of ways. For instance, senses (9) ‘physiological fire,’ (10) ‘one of the six causes of disease,’ and (11) ‘pathological hyperfunctions’ above are the extensions interpreted in medical contexts, whereas senses (13) ‘Mars’ and (14) ‘Antares’ below are the extensions interpreted in the context of constellations.

In constellation contexts, ‘Mars’ is metonymically linked to the literal FIRE through the feature RED, because it has a seemingly reddish color in the sky, in particular, ‘as reddish as fire.’[21] Moreover, ‘Mars’ and ‘Antares’ are related to FIRE in that FIRE ‘represents the direction south.’ Indeed, each element is assigned a direction in the five elements theory, with FIRE representing the south by virtue of the HIGH TEMPERATURE of southern areas, which typically enjoy a warmer climate than northern areas. Furthermore, the idea of ‘Antares’ appearance’ implying the fifth month ‘May’ in quotation (14) also shows that summer is a season of HIGH TEMPERATURE. So senses (13) and (14) are metonymies related to the five elements theory of the literal FIRE.

(12)
五行之一。‘One of the five elements’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
五行 : 一曰水, 二曰火, 三曰木, 四曰金, 五曰土。
wu xing: yi yue shui, er
Five elements: first COP water, second
yue huo, san yue mu, si
COP fire, third COP wood, fourth
yue jin, wu yue tu.
COP metal, fifth COP earth.
‘Five elements are WATER, FIRE, WOOD, METAL, and EARTH.’
(Shu, ‘Book of history’)
(13)
星名①: 行星之一。古人以金木水火土为五大行星。火星又名“荧惑”。‘Constellation ①: Mars. In ancient time, people categorized five planets based on the five elements. Mars is fire.’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
火犯守角, 则有战。
huo fan shoujiao, ze you zhan.
Fire invade Spica, then EXST war.
‘When Mars is approaching or near Spica, it indicates that war is coming.’
(Shi Ji, ‘Records of the grand historian of China’)
(14)
星名②: 大火, 又名心宿。‘Constellation ②: Antares’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
日永星火, 以正仲夏。
ri yong xing huo, yi zheng zhong xia.
Day forever star fire, PREP rectify in.the.middle summer.
‘When it comes to the summer solstice,[22] during the twilight, Antares shows up in the south. Then it is May according to the lunar calendar.’[23]
(Shu, ‘Book of history’)

Senses (15)–(17), which describe ‘strong feelings/desires/emotions,’ can be interpreted in two ways. If we consider FIRE as a kind of strong ENERGY, namely ‘FIRE burns and destroys everything in it,’ then ‘strong feelings/desires/emotions’ may be regarded as a direct metaphor of FIRE. If we consider ‘strong feelings/desires/emotions’ as ‘pathological hyperfunctions,’ they may be considered as metaphoric extension of (12) ‘FIRE as one of the five elements.’ Also, sense (15) is related to sense (16) in that they are actually the nominal and the verbal interpretations of the same concept, ANGER, respectively. As can be seen from quotations (15) and (16), the different syntactic functions of the FIRE character in the contexts are the result of their different word class.

(15)
比喻激动或暴躁、愤怒。‘to metaphorically refer to emotional feelings, such as grumpiness and anger’ (Xu 1988)
忧喜皆心火, 荣枯是眼尘。
you xi jie xin huo, rong ku shi yan chen.
Melancholy joy COP heart fire, prosperity decline COP eye dust.
‘Melancholy and joy are internal heart fire. No matter if things are prosperous or declining, they are just the dust in front of your eyes (To maintain your mental calm, success or failure is as transient and ephemeral as fleeting clouds).’
(Gan Chun, ‘On spring’ a poem by BAI Juyi)
(16)
喻怒气/发怒。‘to metaphorically refer to being/getting angry’ (Luo 1991)
我听说这孩子打了金八爷一巴掌, 金八爷火了。
wo tingshuo zhe haizi da-le Jinbaye [24]
1SG hear this kid slap-PFV Jin-baye
yi bazhang, Jinbaye huo-le.
one palm-CL, Jin-baye fire-PFV.
‘I heard that this kid slapped Mr. Jin and Mr. Jin was/got angry.’
(Ri Chu, ‘Sunrise,’ Scene 1)
(17)
喻强烈的感觉或欲望。‘to metaphorically refer to strong feelings and desires’ (Luo 1991)
郁郁围城度两年, 愁肠饥火日相煎。
yuyu wei cheng du liang nian,
Melancholy surround city spend two year-CL,
chou chang ji huo ri xiang jian.
worry gut hunger fire day mutually fry.
‘(Someone) is gloomy during the two-year siege, while feeling sadness and having cravings for food day after day.’
(Renchen Shieryue Chejia Dongshouhou Jishi, ‘Verses written after the hunting trip in December 1232’, verse 3 by Yuanhao Wen)

There is one more extension related to ENERGY, namely sense (18) ‘urgent or pressing.’ The notion of ‘urgent or pressing’ is extrapolated from the sense of a FIRE compound in its oldest quotation (18a), in which FIRE refers to its literal meaning. Concretely, the compound 火驰 huǒ-chí denotes ‘fire-speedy’ in its literal sense whereas the overall reading of the compound conveys ‘as fast as fire,’ which is a metonymical description for urgency. To a certain extent, FIRE may be seen as a redundant intensifier to strengthen the sense ‘speedy’ in such compounds. However, we also find quotation (18b), in which the notion of ‘urgent or pressing’ is directly denoted by FIRE itself. In this sense, ‘urgent or pressing’ may be seen as a metaphorical extension of the literal FIRE given that FIRE is a violent and intensifying phenomenon so that when the burning fire is out of control, it is an ‘urgent’ or ‘pressing’ situation that requires immediate attention.

(18)

比喻紧急。‘to refer to something urgent or pressing’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)

a. 彼且乘人而无天, 方且本身而异形, 方且尊知而火驰。
bi qie cheng ren er wu tian, fang
3P will take.advantage.of people and NEG heaven, just
qie ben shen er yi xing, fang qie
will 1P;REFL body and different shape, Just will
zun zhi er huo chi.
respect knowledge and fire speed.
‘[…] he will start leaning on men and forget about Heaven. He will put himself first and relegate others to a class apart. He will worship knowledge and chase after it with the speed of fire.’ (Translated by Watson 2013: 86–87)
(Zhuangzi, Heaven and earth)
b. 我觉得现在以袭击敌人为第一火, 但此说似颇孤立。
wo juede xianzai yi xiji diren wei diyi
1SG think now PREP attack enemy as the:first
huo, dan ci shuo si po guli.
fire, but this statement seems very isolated.
‘I think now the urgency is to attack the enemy, but this statement seems very isolated.’
(Shuxin Ji, ‘Collected letters’ of LU Xun)

Similar to the two ways ENERGY extends, the FIRE character also refers to the notion of RED in two ways. That is, the FIRE character either refers to the color red directly by itself or it is used in its literal sense as a compositional part in compounds describing the ‘reddish’ sense as a whole. For instance, the notion RED is expressed by the FIRE character directly in the compound 火旗 huǒ-qí ‘red flag’ in quotation (19). In compounds such as 火红 huǒ-hóng ‘red (fiery-red),’ which as a whole is denoted ‘as red as fire,’ the FIRE character may act as a redundant intensifier to express its literal meaning. Figure 6 illustrates the semantic relations we found in senses (8)–(19).

Figure 6: 
							Semantic relations of senses (8)–(19).
Figure 6:

Semantic relations of senses (8)–(19).

(19)
形容象火那样的颜色, 一般指红色。‘to describe colors which are similar to the color of fire, usually refers to red’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
天外飞霜下葱海, 火旗云马生光彩。
tian wai fei shuang xia conghai,
Heaven outside fly frost down cong:ocean[25]
huo qi yun ma sheng guangcai.
fire flag cloud horse generate glory.
‘The frost is flying and dropping down to the ocean. When you leave, fiery-red banners and a pretty horse will make it glorious.’
(Song Cheng Liu Er Shiyu,[26] ‘Farewell to Officer Cheng and Liu,’ a poem by LI Bai)

The oldest quotation of ‘guns and ammunition’ occurs in the compound 火器 huǒ-qì[27] ‘firearms.’ In the context of quotation (20), specifically, FIRE is used as part of the weapon, namely to ignite the gun powder of weapons. In this respect, FIRE is interpreted in its literal sense and the notion of ‘firearms’ is a metonymical extension of the literal sense.

(20)
指枪炮弹药 ‘guns and ammunition’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
神机营 …… 管操演神铳、神跑火器。
Shenjiyin … [28] guan cao yan shenchong shenpao
Artillery.camp… in.charge.of excercise drill cannon gun
huo qi.
fire device.
‘Shenjiyin, the artillery camp, is in charge of firearms drills.’
(Fengzhou Zabian-Binzhi, ‘A handbook of Fenzhou – Chapter Military’)

The next sense centers on the notion that FIRE is used as a temporal marker. The ‘Cold Food Day or Festival’ in (21) is an old traditional holiday which originated from southern China. Its name ‘cold food’ comes from the tradition of avoiding any uses of fire, including no cooking with fire. However, the main reason for this ‘no fire’ practice lies in seasonal change for the amount of daily fire consumption in the south. That is, people will adjust the amount of fire to be burned for daily uses in the warmer seasons. Particularly on this holiday, people are forbidden to use any kind of fire before changing to the new amount of fire for daily uses. Consequently, FIRE here is to be understood in its literal sense and is further extended as the temporal marker, as in quotation (21) “火前 huǒ-qián ‘before the fire.’” As quotation (22) points out, “there are four alternations of fire in one year, so people in Xixiang, Qiongzhou call one year ‘one huǒ.’” Therefore, the use of ‘temporal quantifier, synonym of year’ is a direct generalization of sense (21), in which FIRE is used as temporal marker to refer to the actual cycles of adjusting fire in the real world.

(21)
指寒食节。‘Cold Food Day/Festival’[29] (Luo 1991)
征东留滞一年年, 又向军前遇火前。
zheng dong liu zhi yi nian nian,
Expedition east stay stagnant one year-CL year-CL;REP,
you xiang jun qian you huo qian.
again PREP military ahead.of encounter fire ahead.of.
‘It has been years since I started the expedition to the east. Yet, I have been often lingering. It is time to move on and it is Cold Food Day/Festival again.’
(Wan Chun, ‘Late spring,’ by XUE Neng)
(22)
犹年、岁。‘temporal quantifier, synonym of year’ (Luo 1991)
《广东通志》:古人一年四时改火。今琼州西乡人谓一年为一火。
Guangdong Tongzhi: gu ren yi nian si shi
Guangdong Tongzhi: ancient people one year four time-CL
gai huo. Jin qiongzhou [30] xixiang-ren [31] wei yi
change fire. Now Qiong:zhou Xixiang:people call one
nian wei yi huo.
year COP one huo.
‘According to Guangzhou Tongzhi,[32] the ancient people change fire four time in one year. People in Xixiang, Qiongzhou call one year one huǒ.’
(Shiwu Yiming Lu, ‘The list of different names of things’)
(23)
指古代服饰中的火焰形图案。‘flame-shaped patterns on ancient clothes’ (Luo 1991)
予欲观古人之象 … 宗彝、藻、火、粉米、黼、黻、絺绣, 以五采彰施于五色, 作服。
yu yu guan gu
1P want show ancient
ren zhi xiang… zongyi,
people ASSOC image… tiger,
zao, huo, fenmi, fu,
aquatic.plant, fire, powder:rice, square.patch.with.white.and.black.axes,
fu, xixiu, yi wu
black.and.blue.figure, fine.hemp.cloth, PREP five
cai zhang shi yu
hue manifest apply PASS
wu se, zuo fu.
five color, make clothes.
‘I want to have patterns of ancient people’s clothes […] stitch figures and patterns of tigers, aquatic plants, flames, white rice, square patches with white and black axes as well as black and blue figures on the clothes. To use five colors of blue, yellow, red, white and black to manifest the coloring and make them into clothes.’
(Shu, ‘Book of history’)

Sense (23) ‘flame-shaped patterns on ancient clothes’ is found to be the only metonymy that directly developed from the facet FLAMES. LIGHT seems to be a more productive facet, as it is the core of a cluster of extensions, including the metonymical extensions (24)–(26) and the metaphorical extension (27). As for the metonymical extensions of LIGHT, sense (24) and sense (25) are clearly related to each other in that the literal FIRE is used as ILLUMINATION in both quotations. However, they differ in their syntactic function of the character FIRE. In particular, quotation (24) displays a nominal interpretation, as the character FIRE is used to refer to ‘illumination tools (torch or candle).’ In contrast with (24), the character FIRE is used as a transitive verb in quotation (25), where its contextual sense ‘checking things by firelight (methods)’ plays an adverbial role. In addition, ‘thunder and lightning in the rain’ is metonymized as ‘fire in the water’ in quotation (26). As for the metaphorical extension of LIGHT, quotation (27) typically occurs in idioms and proverbs. At the literal level, quotation (27) as a whole conveys the meaning ‘when you see burning light, you know there is fire,’ which is then metaphorized as ‘when you see or recognize the features of things, you get the insights or knowledge to understand the things.’ Meanwhile, each constituent part of quotation (27) is also metaphorized individually, more specifically ‘the burning light’ is metaphorized as ‘features of things’ and ‘fire’ is metaphorized as ‘insight or knowledge.’ Hence, ‘light (n.); brightness’ is linked to the figurative meaning of LIGHT. The semantic relations of senses (20)–(27) are portrayed in Figure 7.

Figure 7: 
							Semantic relations of senses (20)–(27).
Figure 7:

Semantic relations of senses (20)–(27).

(24)
火把或灯烛等照明用具 ‘illumination tools, such as torch, candle, etc.’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
厉之人, 夜半生其子, 遽取火而视之, 汲汲然惟恐其似己也。
li zhi ren, ye ban sheng qi
Leper ASSOC people, night half give.birth.to POSS
zi, ju qu huo er shi zhi,
son, immediately fetch fire and look.at 3P,
jiji-ran wei kong qi si ji ye.
anxious:ly only fear 3P alike herself. FP.
‘When the leper woman gives birth to a child in the dead of the night, she rushes to fetch a torch and examine it, trembling with terror lest it look like herself.’ (Translated by Watson 2013: 96)
(Zhuangzi, Heaven and earth)
(25)
用火光照看。‘checking things by firelight (methods)’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
(周生)定移时, 始觉在成榻。骇曰:‘昨不醉, 何颠倒至此耶!’乃呼家人。家人火之, 俨然成业。
(zhousheng) ding yi shi, shi jue zai cheng
(Mr. Zhou) stop move TEMP, start feel LOC Mr.Cheng
ta. hai yue: ‘zuo bu zui, he dian
bed. Shock say: ‘yesterday NEG drunk, how bottom
dao zhi ci ye nai hu jiare. jiaren
up to this FP!’ Thus call family. family
huo zhi, yanran chengye.
fire 3P, as:if accomplish:course
‘After Mr. Zhou pulled himself together, he realized he was sleeping besides Mr. Cheng at Mr. Cheng’s place. To his great surprise, he started to talk to himself, “I didn’t get drunk last night, but why am I so confused about what happened?” Then he asked his family to fetch a light to check. When his family came, they only found Mr. Cheng, Mr. Zhou was gone.’
(Liaozhai Zhiyi, ‘Strange stories from a Chinese studio’)
(26)
古代指雷电, 电光。‘thunder and lightning’ (Luo 1991)
(木与木相摩而然, 金与火相守则流。阴阳错行, 则天地大絯, 于是乎有雷有霆, )[33]
(‘When wood rubs against wood, flames spring up. When metal remains by the side of fire, it melts and flows away. When the yin and yang go awry, then heaven and earth see astounding sights.’)
水中有火, 乃焚大槐。
shui zhong you huo, nai fen da huai.
Water LOC EXIST fire, so burn big pagoda.tree.
‘Then we hear the crash and roll of thunder, and fire comes in the midst of rain and burns up the great pagoda tree.’ (Translated by Watson 2013: 227)
(Zhuangzi, External Things)
(27)
光芒。‘light (n.); brightness’ (Luo 1991; Xu 1988)
智以目见, 而目以火见。
zhi yi mu jian, er mu yi huo jian.
Knowledge PREP eye see, yet eye PREP fire see.
‘Knowledge is gained from what you have seen. Seeing is when you see burning light, you know there is fire. (After gaining this knowledge through seeing fire, you don’t have to really see fire to know fire’s features, i.e. it is hot. It is the process of gaining knowledge.)’
(Mozi)

To sum up, it is now clear how Figure 2 summarizes the findings of the first step of the analysis. To make it easier to follow the process of extensions, Figures 3, 4, 6, and 7 build up Figure 2 in a step-wise sequence: Figure 3 illustrates how FIRE facets are connected in the core circle of the prototypical FIRE; Figure 4 mainly presents the extension cluster that centers around the sense ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire’; Figures 6 and 7 zoom in on extensions that are related to the facets of the prototypical FIRE.

3.2.2 Step 2: Diachronic pathways

A diachronic investigation of the semantic development of the FIRE character is needed for several reasons. First, we need to check whether our analysis of the directions of the extensions and mechanisms that drive semantic change are valid by looking at the chronological appearance of each sense. For example, we hypothesized that sense (7) ‘companion; group made by companionship, company’ is an extension of sense (6) ‘ancient unit of military system, a military unit made by 10 people’ through generalization. However, if our diachronic data shows that sense (7) appears earlier than sense (6), the relation between the senses will be changed in two ways. On the one hand, the direction of the extension will be changed whereby sense (6) is the extension of sense (7). On the other hand, this also means that the mechanism of semantic change changes: sense (7) is no longer a generalization from sense (6); sense (6) is a specialization of sense (7). Moreover, differences between the panchronic analysis and the diachronic analysis may reveal interesting cases for future research. What’s more, a diachronic investigation of semantic change provides more aspects of meaning than the synchronous aspects given by panchronic denotations in the dictionaries.

To determine the diachronic pathways of the senses, we dated the earliest appearance of each sense in the dictionaries. A corpus-based approach is usually a very good option for collecting the diachronic information by virtue of its authentic reflection of actual language use (e.g. Gablasova et al. 2019: 130; Gilquin and Gries 2009). However, the earliest appearances of the senses are mainly found in Ancient Chinese, where lexical items are very often ambiguous and polysemous in meaning. As a result, subjective interpretation of corpus attestations by the authors could be misleading. More importantly, a corpus-based approach is also inconvenient for a practical reason. After a pilot search in the Corpus of Historical Chinese,[34] we gathered 53,044 and 159,348 concordances of the FIRE character in Ancient Chinese and Modern Chinese, respectively. Given this large amount of data for this single case study, it is possible that the amount of the data we get for follow-up case studies will be even larger. A common practice in dealing with such large amounts of corpus data is to select samples to represent the whole population (e.g. McEnery et al. 2006: 13–21). However, this method of sampling is not viable in this case because we have to manually go through all concordances one by one in order to identify the earliest appearance of each sense. Sampling a subset of the entire data will potentially leave out the concordances in which the earliest appearances of the senses occur. That is to say, it is impractical to deal with such large amount of data for this single case study as well as the coming case studies. As an alternative to a corpus-based approach, this study adopts a dictionary-based approach. A dictionary-based approach is legitimate for several reasons. First, as mentioned earlier, the abundant data of the GCDC and the GDC covers a long period of time. The oldest quotations can be located before the Qin Dynasty (221–207 B.C.), while the more recent quotations appear after the Qing Dynasty (1636–1912). Second, despite the fact that the dictionaries provide only approximate diachronic data, all the quotations are representative instances from texts of diverse genres, such as poems, ancient dictionaries, encyclopedic collections, and historical records. Moreover, the quotations are usually listed chronologically, which helps determine the diachronic appearances of the senses.

To date the oldest quotation of each sense in the dictionaries, we could simply have checked the publication dates of the texts in which the oldest quotations occurred. However, most of the oldest quotations come from early philosophical classics, and therefore, the publication dates are very often found within a certain time span. In this case, the biographical information of the authors of the texts may be helpful, as this is typically better documented than the publication dates. However, the same problems applies to the information regarding the author: their life is also a time span, and sometimes it is unknown. Hence, the majority of the publication dates and the authors’ biographical information are not available as exact dates. For simplicity and consistency, the end of the time spans was used to date the oldest quotation of each sense because we can be certain that the oldest quotations occurred at the latest by the end of the publication dates or the death of the authors. To determine the earliest appearances of the senses, we adopted the following three-step process.

  1. When the publication date of the text in which the oldest quotation occurred is known, the exact date was used in the analysis. For example, the oldest quotation of ‘get angry’ is from the drama Ri Chu, ‘Sunrise,’ Scene 1, which was published in 1936.

  2. When the author is unknown or the author’s lifetime is undocumented, we used the end time of the publication date.[35] For example, sense (23) ‘flame-shaped patterns on ancient clothes’ is from Shu, ‘Book of history,’ whose author is unknown. So the end time of the publication date was used in the analysis.

  3. When both the publication date and the author’s biography are time spans, we compared the end of the publication date time span and the death of the author of the text and used the earlier of the two.[36]

Table 2 presents the chronological appearances of the senses. Figure 8 incorporates the diachronic information into the panchronic structure of FIRE from step one of the analysis, which yields the diachronic development of the character FIRE. Each sense in Figure 8 is accompanied by its order of appearance according to Table 2. More specifically, the senses are numbered from old to new. Senses that show up around the same time are marked with the same number. For instance, senses ‘burn out’ and ‘fire as a natural disaster’ show up around the same period of time as the earliest senses of the FIRE character, so they are both marked with number 1. The senses ‘light (n.); brightness,’ ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire,’ and ‘illumination tools, such as torch, candle, etc.’ that appear respectively around 376, 348, and 286 B.C. are marked as numbers 2, 3, and 4. The ordering ends with the sense ‘get angry’, which is first seen in 1936 and is ranked as number 20.

Figure 8: 
							Diachronic structure of the FIRE character.
Figure 8:

Diachronic structure of the FIRE character.

The overall diachronic development of the FIRE character in Figure 8 generally supports the panchronic analysis. That is, the semantic development of FIRE radiates from the core to the periphery. On the one hand, most of the senses in the core circle are among the most ancient senses, as most of them show up before 5 B.C., whereas most of the senses outside the core circle mostly appear after the year 513. On the other hand, if we zoom in on individual clusters of extensions, senses are also chronologically developing from the core to the periphery in their individual development lines in two ways: (i) each line of extensions starts from the core; and (ii) the panchronic analysis of how one sense develops from the other generally fits the chronological appearances of the senses. For example, if we look at the sense ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire,’ it is a metonymical extension of the facet BURNING in the core. Therefore, the cluster of meanings extended from ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire’ is also seen as extensions from the core. Moreover, regarding the cluster centering around the sense ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire,’ the chronological order supports the direction of the extensions of this line of development: the chronological order from BURNING to ‘tea roasting’ is 1, 3, 14, whereas the chronological order from BURNING to ‘companion; group made by companionship, company’ is 1, 3, 8, 9. The same results can also be found in other individual development lines of clusters of extensions in Figure 8.

Yet, Figure 8 reveals that certain figurative extensions said to develop from the facets HEAT, FLAMES, LIGHT, and RED appear much earlier than the facets themselves, which seems to contradict the panchronic analysis. For example, LIGHT’s metonymical and metaphorical extensions, ‘light (n.); brightness,’ ‘illumination tools, such as candle and torch,’ and ‘thunder and lightning’ seem to show up around 376 and 286 B.C. respectively, whereas LIGHT starts to appear around 5 B.C. How can this finding be explained provided we posit that all senses develop from the center of the prototypical FIRE to the peripheral extensions? To answer this question, we need to separate the two meanings of the facets. If we consider fire as a natural phenomenon, the facets are the byproducts such as light, flames, heat, etc., which are automatically present when there is fire. As parts of the complex phenomenon of burning, these byproducts are inseparable from fire. In consequence, if we consider the burning fire as the literal and the prototypical meaning of FIRE, the existence of these facets is naturally presupposed regardless of whether they are recognized as meanings or senses in the dictionaries. Not to mention that it may also be the case that it takes longer for dictionaries to explicitly identify these facets as separate meanings, especially since they are implied by the definition of the literal FIRE.

4 Discussion and conclusion

To summarize, the semantic structure of the FIRE character consists of two parts: the core circle and the periphery. The core circle refers to the prototypical FIRE, or more specifically, the literal FIRE together with the facets (i.e. BURNING, ENERGY, FLAMES, HEAT, LIGHT, and RED) that describe the literal FIRE. The peripheral area refers to the figurative senses of the FIRE character that developed from the literal FIRE. The overall diachronic development of the FIRE character takes the form of a radial network.[37] Specifically, the structure radiates from the inner circle to the outer area, with senses developing from the core to the periphery.

Several things can be said about the senses and the extensions in the network. First, all the senses are connected to each other via one or multiple relations in the network. Mechanisms such as metaphor and metonymy are the main driving forces behind the semantic change of FIRE, as most extensions appear to be metonymically or metaphorically connected to the literal FIRE through one of the facets. Other mechanisms such as generalization and specialization are found in the peripheral senses, which are not directly connected to the core circle, namely the literal FIRE. For instance, in the cluster of senses (4)–(7), peripheral extension (5) ‘the roasting process of tea leaves’ is the specialization of sense (4) ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire.’ Peripheral extension (7) ‘companion; group made by companionship, company group made by companion’ is the generalization of sense (6) ‘ancient unit of military system, a military unit made by 10 people’ used as a metonymy of sense (4), since soldiers set up fire to cook and eat in a unit of 10 people in the army. In this cluster, only sense (4) is directly linked to the core circle of FIRE. Second, most senses are used as nouns except for the senses (2) ‘burn out,’ (3) ‘fire as a natural disaster,’ (4) ‘to cook food thoroughly by fire,’ (16) ‘get angry,’ and (25) ‘checking things by firelight (method),’ which are used as verbs. The senses ‘checking things by firelight (method)’ and ‘get angry’ also have their nominal counterparts (i.e. ‘illumination tools such as candle and torch’ and ‘anger’ respectively). Since the nominal use appeared much earlier (see Figure 8), which follows from the fact that verbs were created later than nouns in the Chinese language (Wang 1958: 637), it is no surprise to find that it precedes its verbal counterpart. To a certain extent, as a language without morphological inflection, it seems to be the Chinese way to show grammatical differences by relying on the different syntactic functions of the same character. Given the limited instances in the data, we are still uncertain about the exact role of] syntactic information when it comes to the grammatical differentiation of the same character, especially in the ancient contexts. This could be an interesting topic for future research.

Apart from the radial way the senses develop, the diachronic development of the FIRE character has characteristics of prototype-based networks. To begin with, the radial network of the diachronic development of the FIRE character takes the shape of a semantic structure of family resemblance: “a family resemblance relationship takes form AB, BC, CD, DE. That is, each item has at least one, and probably several, elements in common with one or more items, but no, or few, elements are common to all items” (Rosch and Mervis 1975: 574–575). More specifically, “the semantic structure of family resemblance is typically with clusters of meanings and overlapping readings in a radial network” (Geeraerts 1997: 11). If we apply the family resemblance relationship to the present case study, several things can be said about the semantic structure of the FIRE character. First, family resemblance causes a definitional problem (e.g. Geeraerts 1997: 21–22, 2007) regarding the facets that describe the literal FIRE in the core circle of the semantic structure of the FIRE character. In other words, no single set of criteria is found to define the literal and prototypical FIRE that includes all members (viz. facets) in the core circle. In consequence, certain facets such as ENERGY and RED are not included in the dictionaries’ definitions of the literal FIRE. Second, family resemblance also exhibits a semantic structure of clusters of extensions and overlapping readings of the senses of the FIRE character. For example, all the senses of the FIRE character are somehow connected through different mechanisms, which tend to cluster in groups. Also, sense clusters such as ‘strong feelings/desires/emotions’ from (15)–(17) may be seen as a sense cluster of overlapping readings that developed from three different extensions: ‘pathological hyperfunctions,’ ‘FIRE as one of the five elements,’ and ENERGY.

Another prototypical characteristic of the radial network of the FIRE character is that the senses appear to be blurry at the edges, especially the facets. On the one hand, the blurred edges between senses can be the result of demarcation problems caused by the definitional problems of the category (e.g. Geeraerts 2007), such as the definitional problem of the literal FIRE. Since no single set of criteria can be found to describe all the facets of the literal FIRE, naturally it is difficult to have clear-cut boundaries between the facets. Also, if we look back at the cluster of ‘strong feelings/desires/emotions,’ overlapping readings may also be the result of indefinite boundaries between the senses and the extensions. On the other hand, the boundaries between the facets of the literal FIRE may also be blurry due to the influence from real-world experience. As we discussed in Section 3.3, the facets can be interpreted in two ways: one is to consider them as the inherent byproducts of the burning process in the real world; the other is to consider them as the semantic features that describe the literal FIRE, which constitute the senses listed in the dictionaries. Particularly, if we consider facets as the semantic features that describe the literal FIRE, their existence are presupposed with or without being recognized as dictionary senses.

The third feature of the prototype-based radial network of the FIRE character is that the senses vary in their chronological appearances and productivity. As a matter of fact, the differences in chronology and productivity mirror the fact that not every sense in the network shows equal importance or salience when it comes to the degrees of typicality (e.g. Geeraerts 1997: 11, 2007). Specifically, the senses that show more typical and salient traits of literal FIRE tend to appear earlier. For instance, BURNING as the center of the metonymical extensions in the core circle first appears in the form of (2) ‘burn out’ and (3) ‘fire as a natural disaster.’ Also, the senses that show more typical and salient traits of literal FIRE tend to develop more extensions. That is, the more typical and salient senses of the FIRE character seem to be more productive in terms of the number of the extensions which develop from them. For instance, there are more extensions that develop from LIGHT (three extensions) than from FLAMES (only one extension).

There are several reasons for investigating the semantic development of the FIRE radical in the follow-up studies. First, given the lack of prototype-based studies of Chinese radicals and the special categorization functions they have, investigation of the role the radicals play in historical lexical change of the Chinese language is of great semantic interest and research value. Second, this case study presents a thorough illustration of the way FIRE develops, but it still only concerns the individual development of the FIRE character. Since the development of characters is complicated and varies drastically, it is difficult to generalize our findings of the historical development of the FIRE character to the development of other characters. More diversified case studies will be needed to reveal the general features or patterns of the historical development of characters as a whole. By contrast, we assume that all the radicals play similar roles in lexical semantic change due to their categorizing function so that our case study of the FIRE radical helps us understand the semantic functions of radicals as a whole. Third, since it will now be clear how the senses of the FIRE character develop, we are curious as to what semantic developments the FIRE radical goes through. In particular, to what extent is the semantic development of the FIRE radical similar or different compared to the semantic development of the FIRE character?

Given the development of the FIRE character, we can expect several things from the development of the FIRE radical and the composite characters it forms. First, the meanings of most composite characters are expected to be related to the 27 senses found in the FIRE character, since the FIRE radical is supposed to indicate the broad semantic category to which these composite characters belong. Therefore, we expect composite characters that are semantically closer to the core traits of the literal FIRE to outnumber and to appear earlier than composite characters that are semantically distant from the core circles of the literal FIRE.

Second, the overall diachronic development of all the composite characters formed by the FIRE radical is expected to carry certain characteristics of prototypes given the typically prototypical development of the FIRE character. Concretely, given that the FIRE radical acts as a semantic indicator in all the composite characters it forms, each individual composite character is supposedly semantically linked to FIRE. If composite characters that are semantically closer to the core traits of the literal FIRE outnumber composite characters that are semantically distant from the core circle of the literal FIRE while also appearing earlier, the diachronic distribution is anticipated to decrease from composite characters that are semantically closer to the core traits of the literal FIRE to composite characters that are semantically distant from the core circles of the literal FIRE. When it comes to each polysemous individual composite character, the diachronic development of each composite character individually is also expected to radiate from the core to the periphery. In addition, we expect the senses of some composite characters to have an ambiguous origin due to the overlapping readings of the FIRE character senses.

Third, we cannot rule out the possibility that new lexical meanings of the composite characters may emerge beyond the 27 senses of the FIRE character, since the FIRE radical, as well as the composite characters the FIRE radical forms, may also go through diachronic semantic change. More specifically, these composite characters may go through independent semantic change due to the need of new vocabulary caused by changes in real life. For instance, the composite character 灯 dēng takes the FIRE radical on the left conveying the meaning of ‘light; lamp.’ With the development of diverse activities in people’s spare time (e.g. lightening festival) and the introduction of Buddhism, the character 灯 dēng develops the senses ‘festoon lighting’ and ‘lightening in Buddhism’ through specialization and metonymy, respectively. If new lexical meanings of the composite characters are found to be different from the 27 senses of the FIRE character, then what are the diachronic semasiological changes of the FIRE radical, and what are the diachronic semantic changes of the composite characters featuring the FIRE radical? In addition, regardless of whether the FIRE radical goes through changes, are there any external factors (e.g. the change of syntactic use of the composite characters) influencing the emergence of new lexical meanings? If so, what are they, and in what ways do they influence the semantic change of these composite characters? As for the new lexical meanings, are there any cases that have completely lost their links to FIRE? If so, does it have anything to do with the semasiological change of the FIRE radical itself or the impact from external factors? More importantly, what is the FIRE radical doing in the cases that have completely lost their links to FIRE?

Fourth, mechanisms such as metaphor, metonymy, generalization, and specialization are still expected to be the primary driving forces when it comes semantic change. However, it is still unclear whether there will be mechanisms that are specific to the semantic change of the Chinese language considering the unique categorization function of the Chinese radicals that is very different from that in the other languages. If so, what are the mechanisms and how do they operate?

If we have a first and provisional look at all the composite characters that contain the FIRE radical, their lexical meanings may give some hints with regard to the above questions. To begin with, most composite characters formed by the FIRE radical are found in semantic fields such as cooking, fire, light, burn, color, dryness, temperature, flame, remains after fire, smoke and fumes, etc. Specifically, two things can be said about the semantic fields covered by composite characters incorporating the FIRE radical. First, there are more composite characters in the semantic fields that are closer to the core traits of the literal FIRE (e.g. cooking, fire, light, burn, etc.). Second, new senses did emerge beyond the 27 senses of the FIRE character. For example, semantic fields such as dryness, remains after fire (e.g. ashes, coal, ember, etc.), and smoke and fumes are new extensions that are semantically linked to FIRE or the 27 senses of the FIRE character. Although the new senses of the FIRE radical hint at the semasiological changes of the FIRE radical, a follow-up investigation is needed to exactly determine what diachronic semasiological changes the FIRE radical goes through. Likewise, a detailed diachronic study will have to ascertain whether composite characters that are semantically closer to the core traits of the literal FIRE appear earlier.

The second observation regarding the composite characters featuring the FIRE radical is that some polysemous characters may have some senses that are not semantically related to FIRE at all. For example, a typical situation in which polysemous characters whose senses are not semantically related to FIRE results from semantic bleaching or grammaticalization from content words to function words (e.g. Wang 2010: 554–555). This usually happens when characters have been put in an unusual syntactic position, for example at the end of the sentence, which is usually the position for function words. In other words, the “misplaced” characters are semantically redundant, which also makes the sentence difficult to read and understand. In order to make the sentence coherent and understandable, the lexical meaning of such characters gradually bleached. In consequence, these characters are not interpreted semantically. For instance, the character 然 rán takes the FIRE radical in the form of four dots 灬 at the bottom, which originally referred to the meaning ‘burn.’ However, the character 然 rán developed the sense that is interpreted as a final exclamation particle since it was put at the end of the sentence. It is possible that semantic bleaching or grammaticalization from content words to function words caused by syntactic change might be one of the external factors that urged the emergence of new lexical meanings that happen to be distant from FIRE.

The third preliminary finding lies in the fact that standard characters may have polysemous senses due to the influence of the semantic change of their interactive phonetic loan characters (假借字 jiǎ-jiè-zì)[38] or variant characters, which may have no semantic connection to FIRE. For instance, the character 熙 also takes the FIRE radical in the form of four dots at the bottom, which originally refers to the meaning ‘dry up.’ Yet, the character has two senses unrelated to FIRE, namely ‘play’ and ‘happiness,’ which are the result of phonetic loaning from the character 嬉 ‘play’ and the character 禧 ‘happiness.’ Given the independent semantic developments of the FIRE radical outside of the scope of the FIRE character, it is time to investigate more thoroughly what the FIRE radical is doing in the Chinese language.


Corresponding author: Danqing Huang, Quantitative Lexicology and Variational Linguistics, University of Leuven, Leuven, Belgium, e-mail:

About the authors

Danqing Huang

Danqing Huang (b. 1990) is a PhD student at the University of Leuven. Her research interests lie in the fields of Cognitive Linguistics and Corpus Linguistics, with a specific focus on language variation and change. Her publications include “Visualization of diachronic change of English irregular verbs: A corpus-based study” (2016), “A multivariate analysis of the collostruction of English intensifiers: A case study” (2017), and A corpus-based study on the sociolinguistic variation of past-tense forms of English irregular verbs (2017).

Dirk Geeraerts

Dirk Geeraerts (b. 1955) is professor of linguistics at the University of Leuven. His research interests include lexical semantics and lexicology in a cognitive linguistic framework, with a specific focus on semantic variation and change. His publications include Diachronic prototype semantics (1997), The Oxford handbook of cognitive linguistics (2007), Theories of lexical semantics (2010), and Ten lectures on cognitive sociolinguistics (2018).

Weiwei Zhang

Weiwei Zhang (b. 1983) is a Marie Curie Postdoctoral Fellow at the Department of Linguistics, University of Leuven. Her research interests lie in the fields of cognitive linguistics and corpus linguistics in general, with a specific focus on metaphor/metonymy, construction grammar, language change/variation, and lectometry. Her publications include “Visualizing onomasiological change” (2015), “Cross-linguistic variation in metonymies for PERSON” (2015), Variation in metonymy (2016), and “(Non)metonymic expressions for GOVERNMENT in Chinese” (2018).

  1. Funding: This research was supported with a grant from the China Scholarship Council–CSC (File No. 201708330249).

References

Allan, Kathryn & Justyna A. Robinson (eds.). 2012. Current methods in historical semantics (Topics in English Linguistics 73). Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.Suche in Google Scholar

Chen, Zelin. 1989. 阴阳五行 [Yin-yang and five elements]. In Jin Wentao (ed.), 家庭医学全书 [Family medicine], 997–1002. Shanghai: Shanghai Science and Technology Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Chen, Rong. 2012. Water networks, the Chinese radical, and beyond. In Thomas Fuyin Li (ed.), Compendium of cognitive linguistics research (Language and linguistics), vol. 1, 91–115. New York: Nova Publishers.Suche in Google Scholar

Dirven, René & Ralf Pörings (eds.). 2002. Metaphor and metonymy in comparison and contrast (Cognitive linguistics research 20). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110219197Suche in Google Scholar

Gablasova, Dana, Vaclav Brezina & Tony McEnery. 2019. The Trinity Lancaster Corpus: Development, description and application. International Journal of Learner Corpus Research 5(2). 126–158. https://doi.org/10.1075/ijlcr.19001.gab.Suche in Google Scholar

Geeraerts, Dirk. 1989. Prospects and problems of prototype theory. Linguistics 27(4). 587–612.10.1515/ling.1989.27.4.587Suche in Google Scholar

Geeraerts, Dirk. 1997. Diachronic prototype semantics. A contribution to historical lexicology (Oxford Studies in Lexicography and Lexicology). Oxford: The Clarendon Press.10.1093/oso/9780198236528.001.0001Suche in Google Scholar

Geeraerts, Dirk. 2006. Words and other wonders: Papers on lexical and semantic topics (Cognitive Linguistics Research 33). Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter.10.1515/9783110219128Suche in Google Scholar

Geeraerts, Dirk. 2007. Family resemblances, radial networks, and multidimensional models of meaning. In Maria Losada Friend, Pilar Ron Vaz, Sonia Hernández Santano & Jorge Casanova (eds.), Proceedings of the XXX AEDEAN conference, 1–11. Huelva: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Huelva.Suche in Google Scholar

Geeraerts, Dirk, Stefan Grondelaers & Peter Bakema. 1994. The structure of lexical variation. Meaning, naming, and context. Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter.10.1515/9783110873061Suche in Google Scholar

Gilquin, Gaëtanelle & Stefan T. Gries. 2009. Corpora and experimental methods: A state-of-the-art review. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory 5(1). 1–26. https://doi.org/10.1515/CLLT.2009.001.Suche in Google Scholar

Hopper, Paul J. & Elizabeth Closs Traugott. 2003. Grammaticalization (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics), 2nd edn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Hsieh, Shu-Kai. 2006. Hanzi, concept and computation: A preliminary survey of Chinese characters as a knowledge resource in NLP. Tübingen: Universität Tübingen Dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar

Jiang, Shaoyu. 1989. 古汉语词汇纲要 [Essentials of ancient Chinese lexical semantics]. Beijing: Peking University Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Jiang, Yanping. 2014. 部首“艹”的古文构形来源及发展演变 [The origin and evolution of the GRASS radical (“艹”)]. 现代语文(语言研究版) [Modern Chinese] 01. 94–96.Suche in Google Scholar

Labov, William. 1973. The boundaries of words and their meanings. In Charles-James N. Bailey & Roger W. Shuy (eds.), New ways of analyzing variation in English, 340–373. Washington: Georgetown University Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Lakoff, George. 1987. Women, fire, and dangerous things: What categories reveal about the mind. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.10.7208/chicago/9780226471013.001.0001Suche in Google Scholar

Lakoff, George & Mark Johnson. 2003 [1980]. Metaphors we live by. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.10.7208/chicago/9780226470993.001.0001Suche in Google Scholar

Langacker, Ronald W. 1987. Foundations of cognitive grammar: Theoretical prerequisites. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Langacker, Ronald W. 1991. Concept, image, and symbol. The cognitive basis of grammar. Berlin/New York: Mouton De Gruyter.Suche in Google Scholar

Lu, Zongda & Ning Wang. 1994. 训诂与训诂学 [Exegesis and exegetical studies]. Taiyuan: Shanxi Education Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Luo, Zhufeng (ed.). 1991. 汉语大词典 [The great dictionary of Chinese], vol. 7. Shanghai: Publishing House of The Great Dictionary of Chinese.Suche in Google Scholar

McEnery, Tony, Richard Xiao & Yukio Tono. 2006. Corpus-based language studies: An advanced resource book (Routledge Applied Linguistics). New York: Routledge.Suche in Google Scholar

Qiu, Xigui. 1988. 文字学概要 [Essentials of Chinese philology]. Beijing: The Commercial Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Rastier, François. 1999. Cognitive semantics and diachronic semantics: The values and evolution of classes. In Andreas Blank & Peter Koch (eds.), Historical semantics and cognition, 109–144. Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter.10.1515/9783110804195.109Suche in Google Scholar

Rosch, Eleanor & Carolyn B. Mervis. 1975. Family resemblances: Studies in the internal structure of categories. Cognitive Psychology 7(4). 573–605. https://doi.org/10.1016/0010-0285(75)90024-9.Suche in Google Scholar

Uher, David. 2012. 《说文解字》学说、字源、文化 [The structure analysis of primary characters and meaning explanation of secondary characters: Theory, etymology and culture]. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého Dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar

Vanhove, Martine (ed.). 2008. From polysemy to semantic change: Towards a typology of lexical semantic associations (Studies in Language Companion Series 106). Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.10.1075/slcs.106Suche in Google Scholar

Wang, Li. 1958. 汉语史稿 [The history of the Chinese language]. China: Science Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Wang, Ning. 1996. 训诂学原理 [Principles of exegesis]. Beijing: China Foreign Languages Publishing Administration.Suche in Google Scholar

Wang, Yunlu. 2010. 中古汉语词汇史 [History of ancient and middle Chinese lexical]. Beijing: The Commercial Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Wang, Ning. 2016. 汉字构形学导论 [Introduction of Chinese characters formation]. Beijing: The Commercial Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Wang, Weihui. 2018. 汉语核心词的历史与现状研究 [Research on the history and current situation of Chinese core words]. Beijing: The Commercial Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Watson, Burton (trans.). 2013. The complete works of Zhuangzi. Translations from the Asian classics. New York: Columbia University Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Winters, Margaret E., Heli Tissari & Kathryn Allan (eds.). 2010. Historical cognitive linguistics (Cognitive Linguistics Research 47). Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.10.1515/9783110226447Suche in Google Scholar

Wittgenstein, Ludwig. 1986 [1953]. Philosophical investigations. Translated by Gertrude Elizabeth Margaret Anscombe, 3rd edn. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.Suche in Google Scholar

Xu, Shen. 1963. 说文解字 [An analysis and explanation of characters]. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.Suche in Google Scholar

Xu, Zhongshu (ed.). 1988. 汉语大字典 [The great dictionary of characters], vol. 3. Chengdu: Xinhua Winshare Publishing.Suche in Google Scholar

Yang, He. 2017. The semantic categorization of radical “辵” (chuò) in ShuoWenJieZi (《說文解字》). US–China Foreign Language 15(7). 429–436. https://doi.org/10.17265/1539-8080/2017.07.003.Suche in Google Scholar

Yeh, Su-Ling, Wei-Lun Chou & Pokuan Ho. 2017. Lexical processing of Chinese sub-character components: Semantic activation of phonetic radicals as revealed by the Stroop effect. Scientific Reports 7(1). 15782. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-017-15536-w.Suche in Google Scholar

Yin, John Jing-Hua. 2016. Chinese characters. In Chan Sin-Wai, James Minnett & Florence Li Wing Yee (eds.), The Routledge encyclopedia of the Chinese language, 53–63. Abingdon and New York: Routledge.Suche in Google Scholar

Yu, Ning. 2009. The Chinese HEART in a cognitive perspective: Culture, body, and language (Applications of Cognitive Linguistics 12). Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter.10.1515/9783110213348Suche in Google Scholar

Published Online: 2021-01-14
Published in Print: 2021-02-23

© 2020 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Heruntergeladen am 17.10.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/css-2021-0001/html?lang=de
Button zum nach oben scrollen