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Chapter 10 Regime types, party politics and political finance in Southeast Asia

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Abstract

This chapter differentiates between three regime types in Southeast Asia: closed authoritarian, electoral authoritarian and electoral democratic systems (see V-Dem Institute 2023). Political finance regulations vary across these different regime types and are linked to the relationship between the state, business, and political parties. Closed authoritarian systems such as Vietnam, Laos and Brunei lack multiparty systems and do not conduct competitive, or even semi-competitive, elections. This diminishes the role of party and campaign finance substantially, since parties and candidates usually do not have to fundraise, and government parties have exclusive access to state resources. In electoral authoritarian countries such as Singapore and Malaysia, money plays a more important role in politics. Political elites need elections to legitimize their rule, but they also have an interest in reducing political competition because they are not always able to prevent opposition parties from substantially challenging authoritarian rule. Sometimes, they even lose elections at the subnational level. With growing competition, dominant parties need to invest more in campaigning and political advertising. In electoral democracies such as Indonesia, the Philippines and East Timor (or Timor-Leste), political parties are less able to instrumentalize regulations against the political opposition and to subordinate the state apparatus. Political finance becomes much more complex as private business often gains in influence over politics.The less these parties are rooted in social milieus with relatively stable supporter groups, the less they need to invest in clientelist networks and patronage politics. If linkages to voters and supporters are traditionally weak or are getting weaker, campaigns necessitate higher expenses for vote-buying, advertisements, the construction of supporter groups, etc. This is a process observable in Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines (where campaign costs, though, have been already very high in the 1950s and 1960s).

Abstract

This chapter differentiates between three regime types in Southeast Asia: closed authoritarian, electoral authoritarian and electoral democratic systems (see V-Dem Institute 2023). Political finance regulations vary across these different regime types and are linked to the relationship between the state, business, and political parties. Closed authoritarian systems such as Vietnam, Laos and Brunei lack multiparty systems and do not conduct competitive, or even semi-competitive, elections. This diminishes the role of party and campaign finance substantially, since parties and candidates usually do not have to fundraise, and government parties have exclusive access to state resources. In electoral authoritarian countries such as Singapore and Malaysia, money plays a more important role in politics. Political elites need elections to legitimize their rule, but they also have an interest in reducing political competition because they are not always able to prevent opposition parties from substantially challenging authoritarian rule. Sometimes, they even lose elections at the subnational level. With growing competition, dominant parties need to invest more in campaigning and political advertising. In electoral democracies such as Indonesia, the Philippines and East Timor (or Timor-Leste), political parties are less able to instrumentalize regulations against the political opposition and to subordinate the state apparatus. Political finance becomes much more complex as private business often gains in influence over politics.The less these parties are rooted in social milieus with relatively stable supporter groups, the less they need to invest in clientelist networks and patronage politics. If linkages to voters and supporters are traditionally weak or are getting weaker, campaigns necessitate higher expenses for vote-buying, advertisements, the construction of supporter groups, etc. This is a process observable in Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines (where campaign costs, though, have been already very high in the 1950s and 1960s).

Chapters in this book

  1. Frontmatter I
  2. Dedication V
  3. Contents VII
  4. Preface to Political Parties in the Global South XI
  5. Chapter 1 Political parties. What are they and how do we study them? 1
  6. Part I: The origins of today’s political parties in the Global South
  7. Part I: The origins of today’s political parties in the Global South 27
  8. Chapter 2 The origins of contemporary political parties in Latin America (1990–2020) 37
  9. Chapter 3 The economics of political development: Party politics in Jamaica 57
  10. Chapter 4 Making sense of Arab political parties’ origins: Secular groups and nationalism 89
  11. Chapter 5 The origins of today’s political parties in Africa 119
  12. Chapter 6 The party systems of Central Asia 137
  13. Part II: Party organization and finance in the Global South
  14. Part II: Party organization and finance in the Global South 153
  15. Chapter 7 Dynamics of Islamist party trajectories in Egypt and Tunisia after the Arab Uprisings: Between ideational and structural materialist approaches 165
  16. Chapter 8 Party organization and finance in the MENA region 185
  17. Chapter 9 The price of the party: How finance shapes political organization in sub-Saharan Africa 207
  18. Chapter 10 Regime types, party politics and political finance in Southeast Asia 221
  19. Part III: The functions of parties in the Global South: State and citizen perspectives
  20. Part III: The functions of parties in the Global South: State and citizen perspectives 239
  21. Chapter 11 Political parties’ functions in Latin America: Assessing the gap between expectations and reality 249
  22. Chapter 12 The functions of parties in the MENA: The state perspective 275
  23. Chapter 13 Functions of political parties in Southeast Asia: A regime perspective 289
  24. Chapter 14 Anti-party and apartisan attitudes in Southeast Asia: On ordinary citizens, political parties and leadership 311
  25. Part IV: Parties and society
  26. Part IV: Parties and society 341
  27. Chapter 15 African political parties: A citizens’ perspective 353
  28. Chapter 16 The intersection of traditional cleavages and post-materialist values in the Middle East and North Africa 377
  29. Chapter 17 The roles and prospects of the Malaysian United Democratic Alliance: Voices from the Malaysian youth 397
  30. Chapter 18 The influence of Islamists in Malaysia’s People’s Justice Party (KEADILAN) 419
  31. Conclusion and perspectives
  32. Chapter 19 Political parties: Perspectives from the Global South 439
  33. Contributors
  34. Index
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