Startseite Linguistik & Semiotik 13 The sociative/benefactive applicative construction and the introduction of attitude holders in Tibetan
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13 The sociative/benefactive applicative construction and the introduction of attitude holders in Tibetan

  • Camille Simon
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Applicative Morphology
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch Applicative Morphology

Abstract

Several Tibetic languages feature a cognate sociative/benefactive applicative construction which grammaticalised from a root related to the idea of ‘association’ or ‘help’. The applicative nature of this construction is rarely recognized in the relevant literature. The majority of authors focus on the most common use of this construction - in the imperative mood - and consequently depict it as a “polite imperative” form. This chapter describes the basic, valency-related functions of the sociative/ benefactive applicative construction and its semantic characteristics, as well as its derived, pragmatic uses. From a diachronic perspective, I show how the sociative/ benefactive applicative construction developed pragmatic functions through its conventionalised use in polite commands and complaints. I argue that the sociative/benefactive applicative construction evolved into a means to introduce an Attitude Holder (i.e. a participant related to the described event through a pragmatic role, usually in the form of a specific attitude toward the event) rather than a Beneficiary.

Abstract

Several Tibetic languages feature a cognate sociative/benefactive applicative construction which grammaticalised from a root related to the idea of ‘association’ or ‘help’. The applicative nature of this construction is rarely recognized in the relevant literature. The majority of authors focus on the most common use of this construction - in the imperative mood - and consequently depict it as a “polite imperative” form. This chapter describes the basic, valency-related functions of the sociative/ benefactive applicative construction and its semantic characteristics, as well as its derived, pragmatic uses. From a diachronic perspective, I show how the sociative/ benefactive applicative construction developed pragmatic functions through its conventionalised use in polite commands and complaints. I argue that the sociative/benefactive applicative construction evolved into a means to introduce an Attitude Holder (i.e. a participant related to the described event through a pragmatic role, usually in the form of a specific attitude toward the event) rather than a Beneficiary.

Heruntergeladen am 3.10.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110777949-013/html
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