13 The sociative/benefactive applicative construction and the introduction of attitude holders in Tibetan
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Camille Simon
Abstract
Several Tibetic languages feature a cognate sociative/benefactive applicative construction which grammaticalised from a root related to the idea of ‘association’ or ‘help’. The applicative nature of this construction is rarely recognized in the relevant literature. The majority of authors focus on the most common use of this construction - in the imperative mood - and consequently depict it as a “polite imperative” form. This chapter describes the basic, valency-related functions of the sociative/ benefactive applicative construction and its semantic characteristics, as well as its derived, pragmatic uses. From a diachronic perspective, I show how the sociative/ benefactive applicative construction developed pragmatic functions through its conventionalised use in polite commands and complaints. I argue that the sociative/benefactive applicative construction evolved into a means to introduce an Attitude Holder (i.e. a participant related to the described event through a pragmatic role, usually in the form of a specific attitude toward the event) rather than a Beneficiary.
Abstract
Several Tibetic languages feature a cognate sociative/benefactive applicative construction which grammaticalised from a root related to the idea of ‘association’ or ‘help’. The applicative nature of this construction is rarely recognized in the relevant literature. The majority of authors focus on the most common use of this construction - in the imperative mood - and consequently depict it as a “polite imperative” form. This chapter describes the basic, valency-related functions of the sociative/ benefactive applicative construction and its semantic characteristics, as well as its derived, pragmatic uses. From a diachronic perspective, I show how the sociative/ benefactive applicative construction developed pragmatic functions through its conventionalised use in polite commands and complaints. I argue that the sociative/benefactive applicative construction evolved into a means to introduce an Attitude Holder (i.e. a participant related to the described event through a pragmatic role, usually in the form of a specific attitude toward the event) rather than a Beneficiary.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Frontmatter I
- Contents V
- 1 Introduction 1
-
Part I: Americas
- 2 Typical and atypical applicative constructions in Yaqui 21
- 3 The functions of applicative morphology in Shiwiar 51
- 4 Applicatives and beyond: Barbareño Chumash 73
- 5 Applicative periphrastic constructions in the Colombian Spanish from The Andes 97
- 6 Spatial prefixes as applicatives in Harakmbut 129
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Part II: Africa
- 7 Valency and saliency in Bantu applicatives: A diachronic reanalysis 163
- 8 Neglected functions of the Bantu applicative in relation to Locations: new insights from Fwe (K402) 189
- 9 The applicative(-like) function of Nilotic directionals: Introducing themes 227
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Part III: Asia (including the Middle East)
- 10 An applicative analysis of Soranî “absolute prepositions” 263
- 11 Applicatives in Macro-Tani languages (Trans-Himalayan, Eastern Himalaya): Forms, functions and historical origins 299
- 12 Canonical and Non-canonical applicatives in Waray 329
- 13 The sociative/benefactive applicative construction and the introduction of attitude holders in Tibetan 373
- 14 Neglected functions of western Indonesian applicatives 405
- 15 The evolution of non-syntactic functions of applicatives: -i suffixation in Javanese and neighboring languages 437
- Subject index 475
- Language index 477
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Frontmatter I
- Contents V
- 1 Introduction 1
-
Part I: Americas
- 2 Typical and atypical applicative constructions in Yaqui 21
- 3 The functions of applicative morphology in Shiwiar 51
- 4 Applicatives and beyond: Barbareño Chumash 73
- 5 Applicative periphrastic constructions in the Colombian Spanish from The Andes 97
- 6 Spatial prefixes as applicatives in Harakmbut 129
-
Part II: Africa
- 7 Valency and saliency in Bantu applicatives: A diachronic reanalysis 163
- 8 Neglected functions of the Bantu applicative in relation to Locations: new insights from Fwe (K402) 189
- 9 The applicative(-like) function of Nilotic directionals: Introducing themes 227
-
Part III: Asia (including the Middle East)
- 10 An applicative analysis of Soranî “absolute prepositions” 263
- 11 Applicatives in Macro-Tani languages (Trans-Himalayan, Eastern Himalaya): Forms, functions and historical origins 299
- 12 Canonical and Non-canonical applicatives in Waray 329
- 13 The sociative/benefactive applicative construction and the introduction of attitude holders in Tibetan 373
- 14 Neglected functions of western Indonesian applicatives 405
- 15 The evolution of non-syntactic functions of applicatives: -i suffixation in Javanese and neighboring languages 437
- Subject index 475
- Language index 477