12 Canonical and Non-canonical applicatives in Waray
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Thomas E. Payne
Abstract
This chapter deals with applicative constructions in Waray, an Austronesian language spoken in Samar, Northern and Eastern Leyte, and parts of Biliran islands in the Eastern Visayas region of the Philippines. The existence of applicative constructions in Philippine languages is controversial. One view sees reflexes of the Proto-Austronesian affixes ✶-an and ✶Si- (Wolff 1973, Blust 2002) as components of simulfixal “voice” markers. The other view, represented in this chapter, is that the reflexes of these affixes in Waray are insightfully analyzed as markers of applicative constructions. First we show that Waray verb morphology includes three productive affixes, -an, -i and i- (reflexes of Proto-Austronesian voice affixes), which qualify as markers of applicative constructions according to the characteristics outlined in the introduction to this volume. Next, we show that between them, these affixes participate in five additional constructions that lack one or more of the definitional characteristics of “canonical” applicatives. We name these additional constructions “non-canonical” applicatives. We argue that each of the non-canonical constructions is a logical extension of a canonical applicative construction. Our conclusion is that the overarching semantic function of the canonical and non-canonical applicative constructions in Waray is to mitigate transitivity. The applicative 1 forms, -an and -i, mitigate transitivity by reducing or diffusing the affectedness of the undergoer, while the applicative 2 form, i-, mitigates transitivity by reducing the sovereign control of the actor.
Abstract
This chapter deals with applicative constructions in Waray, an Austronesian language spoken in Samar, Northern and Eastern Leyte, and parts of Biliran islands in the Eastern Visayas region of the Philippines. The existence of applicative constructions in Philippine languages is controversial. One view sees reflexes of the Proto-Austronesian affixes ✶-an and ✶Si- (Wolff 1973, Blust 2002) as components of simulfixal “voice” markers. The other view, represented in this chapter, is that the reflexes of these affixes in Waray are insightfully analyzed as markers of applicative constructions. First we show that Waray verb morphology includes three productive affixes, -an, -i and i- (reflexes of Proto-Austronesian voice affixes), which qualify as markers of applicative constructions according to the characteristics outlined in the introduction to this volume. Next, we show that between them, these affixes participate in five additional constructions that lack one or more of the definitional characteristics of “canonical” applicatives. We name these additional constructions “non-canonical” applicatives. We argue that each of the non-canonical constructions is a logical extension of a canonical applicative construction. Our conclusion is that the overarching semantic function of the canonical and non-canonical applicative constructions in Waray is to mitigate transitivity. The applicative 1 forms, -an and -i, mitigate transitivity by reducing or diffusing the affectedness of the undergoer, while the applicative 2 form, i-, mitigates transitivity by reducing the sovereign control of the actor.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Frontmatter I
- Contents V
- 1 Introduction 1
-
Part I: Americas
- 2 Typical and atypical applicative constructions in Yaqui 21
- 3 The functions of applicative morphology in Shiwiar 51
- 4 Applicatives and beyond: Barbareño Chumash 73
- 5 Applicative periphrastic constructions in the Colombian Spanish from The Andes 97
- 6 Spatial prefixes as applicatives in Harakmbut 129
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Part II: Africa
- 7 Valency and saliency in Bantu applicatives: A diachronic reanalysis 163
- 8 Neglected functions of the Bantu applicative in relation to Locations: new insights from Fwe (K402) 189
- 9 The applicative(-like) function of Nilotic directionals: Introducing themes 227
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Part III: Asia (including the Middle East)
- 10 An applicative analysis of Soranî “absolute prepositions” 263
- 11 Applicatives in Macro-Tani languages (Trans-Himalayan, Eastern Himalaya): Forms, functions and historical origins 299
- 12 Canonical and Non-canonical applicatives in Waray 329
- 13 The sociative/benefactive applicative construction and the introduction of attitude holders in Tibetan 373
- 14 Neglected functions of western Indonesian applicatives 405
- 15 The evolution of non-syntactic functions of applicatives: -i suffixation in Javanese and neighboring languages 437
- Subject index 475
- Language index 477
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Frontmatter I
- Contents V
- 1 Introduction 1
-
Part I: Americas
- 2 Typical and atypical applicative constructions in Yaqui 21
- 3 The functions of applicative morphology in Shiwiar 51
- 4 Applicatives and beyond: Barbareño Chumash 73
- 5 Applicative periphrastic constructions in the Colombian Spanish from The Andes 97
- 6 Spatial prefixes as applicatives in Harakmbut 129
-
Part II: Africa
- 7 Valency and saliency in Bantu applicatives: A diachronic reanalysis 163
- 8 Neglected functions of the Bantu applicative in relation to Locations: new insights from Fwe (K402) 189
- 9 The applicative(-like) function of Nilotic directionals: Introducing themes 227
-
Part III: Asia (including the Middle East)
- 10 An applicative analysis of Soranî “absolute prepositions” 263
- 11 Applicatives in Macro-Tani languages (Trans-Himalayan, Eastern Himalaya): Forms, functions and historical origins 299
- 12 Canonical and Non-canonical applicatives in Waray 329
- 13 The sociative/benefactive applicative construction and the introduction of attitude holders in Tibetan 373
- 14 Neglected functions of western Indonesian applicatives 405
- 15 The evolution of non-syntactic functions of applicatives: -i suffixation in Javanese and neighboring languages 437
- Subject index 475
- Language index 477
