Phases and Accent Assignment Domains
Abstract
The theory of syntactic domains capturing limits on syntactic interactions between elements and the model of grammar where phonology follows syntax have raised questions about whether syntactic domains may limit phonological interactions as well. While previous research provides various studies showing that syntactic domains do correspond to phonological domains in many contexts (Dobashi 2003; Kratzer and Selkirk 2007; Elfner 2012; Talić 2018 a.o.), the idea that syntactic spell-out determines prosodic domains has not remained unchallenged (e.g., Cheng and Downing 2011). In this chapter, I discuss two Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) accent assignment rules from this perspective and show that while syntactic spell-out domain boundaries do seem to limit these accentual rules in some case, it is less clear that they do so in others. I review three different contexts where accent assignment may be expected to be affected by phases: the clausal domain (CP), the phasehood within PPs, and the adjectival domain. I show that accent assignment rules do show sensitivity to spell-out domain boundaries. If a spell-out domain does not create a prosodic constituent large enough to trigger accent assignment, then an accent domain spans over the material from two spell-out domains.
Abstract
The theory of syntactic domains capturing limits on syntactic interactions between elements and the model of grammar where phonology follows syntax have raised questions about whether syntactic domains may limit phonological interactions as well. While previous research provides various studies showing that syntactic domains do correspond to phonological domains in many contexts (Dobashi 2003; Kratzer and Selkirk 2007; Elfner 2012; Talić 2018 a.o.), the idea that syntactic spell-out determines prosodic domains has not remained unchallenged (e.g., Cheng and Downing 2011). In this chapter, I discuss two Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) accent assignment rules from this perspective and show that while syntactic spell-out domain boundaries do seem to limit these accentual rules in some case, it is less clear that they do so in others. I review three different contexts where accent assignment may be expected to be affected by phases: the clausal domain (CP), the phasehood within PPs, and the adjectival domain. I show that accent assignment rules do show sensitivity to spell-out domain boundaries. If a spell-out domain does not create a prosodic constituent large enough to trigger accent assignment, then an accent domain spans over the material from two spell-out domains.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Frontmatter I
- Preface IX
- Contents XI
- Umlaut: From Common Germanic to Dutch 1
- Vowel Copy in Iraqw Verbal Derivation 17
- Hungarian Possessive Allomorphy in the Lexicon 33
- The Unbearable Lightness of Being High: Openness as Structure and the Consequences for Prosody 71
- [+ATR] Dominance in Chumburung 91
- Paradigmatically Conditioned Phonetic Detail in Hungarian Neutral Vowels 107
- Old English Breaking as Vowel Excrescence 133
- Diachronic Vowel Harmony: From Middle to Modern Korean 151
- How Much Phonology in ‘Laryngeal Phonology’? 165
- The Representation of Nasal + Stop + Obstruent Clusters in English: Stop Insertion or Stop Deletion? 187
- A Perfect Mess in Ancient Greek: The Story of -ka 201
- Prompted Self-Repairs in Two-Year-Old Children 227
- Deriving Variable Phonological Visibility from Word Structure 249
- Recursion in Phonology: Anatomy of a Misunderstanding 265
- Phases and Accent Assignment Domains 289
- A Phonosyntactic Representation of Hungarian ‘Lowering’ 307
- Zellig Harris, Phonological Boundaries, and Features 327
- Blends and Overlaps in Relational Morphology 347
- Language Index 359
- Subject Index 361
- Contents of Part II 363
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Frontmatter I
- Preface IX
- Contents XI
- Umlaut: From Common Germanic to Dutch 1
- Vowel Copy in Iraqw Verbal Derivation 17
- Hungarian Possessive Allomorphy in the Lexicon 33
- The Unbearable Lightness of Being High: Openness as Structure and the Consequences for Prosody 71
- [+ATR] Dominance in Chumburung 91
- Paradigmatically Conditioned Phonetic Detail in Hungarian Neutral Vowels 107
- Old English Breaking as Vowel Excrescence 133
- Diachronic Vowel Harmony: From Middle to Modern Korean 151
- How Much Phonology in ‘Laryngeal Phonology’? 165
- The Representation of Nasal + Stop + Obstruent Clusters in English: Stop Insertion or Stop Deletion? 187
- A Perfect Mess in Ancient Greek: The Story of -ka 201
- Prompted Self-Repairs in Two-Year-Old Children 227
- Deriving Variable Phonological Visibility from Word Structure 249
- Recursion in Phonology: Anatomy of a Misunderstanding 265
- Phases and Accent Assignment Domains 289
- A Phonosyntactic Representation of Hungarian ‘Lowering’ 307
- Zellig Harris, Phonological Boundaries, and Features 327
- Blends and Overlaps in Relational Morphology 347
- Language Index 359
- Subject Index 361
- Contents of Part II 363
