A Derivational View on Movement Constraints

Kapitel in diesem Buch

1. Frontmatter i
2. Contents v
3. Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax: An Introduction 1
4. Long Distance Agreement in Relative Clauses 49
5. In Support of Long Distance Agree 85
6. Agree, Move, Selection, and Set-Merge 111
7. Probing the Past: On Reconciling Long-Distance Agreement with the PIC 135
8. Reflexivity and Dependency 155
9. Derivational Binding and the Elimination of Uninterpretable Features 187
10. German Free Datives and Knight Move Binding 213
11. Restricted Syntax – Unrestricted Semantics? 247
12. Local Case, Cyclic Agree and the Syntax of Truly Ergative Verbs 273
13. A Local Derivation of Global Case Splits 305
14. Function Composition and the Linear Local Modeling of Extended NEG-Scope 337
15. Ellipsis and Phases: Evidence from Antecedent Contained Sluicing 353
16. Restructuring and Clitic Climbing in Romance: A Categorial Grammar Analysis 371
17. A Derivational View on Movement Constraints 401
18. Are Movement Paths Punctuated or Uniform? 431
19. A Hypothetical Proof Account of Chamorro Wh-Agreement 453
20. Deriving Reconstruction Asymmetries 477
21. Local Modelling of Allegedly Local but Really Non-Local Phenomena: Lack of Superiority Effects Revisited 501
22. Index 525