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A closer look at the Hebrew Construct and free locative PPs: The analysis of mi- locatives

Abstract

Most Hebrew locative P(reposition)s are directly followed by their complement. However, the complement of Hebrew locatives prefixed by mi, referred to here as mi‑locatives (e.g. mixuc “outside”) often, but not always, is introduced by the light P le. Taking direct complementation to be an instance of a prepositional Construct State, with the occurrence of le indicating its free counterpart, the paper defines the roles of the prefix mi in the formation of mi-locatives, and accounts for the distribution of le with them. Furthermore, based on the unique ability of mi‑locatives to license implied complements, and assuming that locative phrases are instantiated in a nominal (extended) projection headed by the null noun Place, the prefix mi is argued to be a D(eterminer)-prefix, realizing the formal feature of this head in the (extended) projection of (Hebrew) locative PPs.

Abstract

Most Hebrew locative P(reposition)s are directly followed by their complement. However, the complement of Hebrew locatives prefixed by mi, referred to here as mi‑locatives (e.g. mixuc “outside”) often, but not always, is introduced by the light P le. Taking direct complementation to be an instance of a prepositional Construct State, with the occurrence of le indicating its free counterpart, the paper defines the roles of the prefix mi in the formation of mi-locatives, and accounts for the distribution of le with them. Furthermore, based on the unique ability of mi‑locatives to license implied complements, and assuming that locative phrases are instantiated in a nominal (extended) projection headed by the null noun Place, the prefix mi is argued to be a D(eterminer)-prefix, realizing the formal feature of this head in the (extended) projection of (Hebrew) locative PPs.

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