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Chapter 10. Locative, existential and possessive predication in the Chaco

Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) and Pilagá (Guaykuruan)
  • Doris L. Payne , Alejandra Vidal and Manuel A. Otero
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Nonverbal Predication in Amazonian Languages
This chapter is in the book Nonverbal Predication in Amazonian Languages

Abstract

Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) and Pilagá (Guaykuruan) languages, which geographically overlap in the Argentinian Chaco region of South America, present evidence challenging the often repeated claim that locative predications universally underlie possession predications (Lyons 1967; Jackendoff 1983; DeLancey 2000; Freeze 2001; Langacker 2009, among others). In both languages copular elements can link two Determined Phrases (DPs) to predicate location, possession or existence, i.e. the primary predicative element in such constructions is not a lexical verb. However, Nivaĉle and Pilagá each use a single copular form for both non-verbal existential and possessive predication constructions, and a different copular form for non-verbal locative predication constructions. Subtypes of the various constructions, including negative forms, can be related to Heine’s cognitive possession schemas. In Pilagá, all three negative constructions share the same copular elements, but there are arguably still more similarities between the negative possessive and negative existential constructions compared to the negative locative construction. If these shared features across the two languages are due to areal contact, the influence would have had to have happened at the Proto-Mataguayan and Proto-Guaykuruan languages stage.

Abstract

Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) and Pilagá (Guaykuruan) languages, which geographically overlap in the Argentinian Chaco region of South America, present evidence challenging the often repeated claim that locative predications universally underlie possession predications (Lyons 1967; Jackendoff 1983; DeLancey 2000; Freeze 2001; Langacker 2009, among others). In both languages copular elements can link two Determined Phrases (DPs) to predicate location, possession or existence, i.e. the primary predicative element in such constructions is not a lexical verb. However, Nivaĉle and Pilagá each use a single copular form for both non-verbal existential and possessive predication constructions, and a different copular form for non-verbal locative predication constructions. Subtypes of the various constructions, including negative forms, can be related to Heine’s cognitive possession schemas. In Pilagá, all three negative constructions share the same copular elements, but there are arguably still more similarities between the negative possessive and negative existential constructions compared to the negative locative construction. If these shared features across the two languages are due to areal contact, the influence would have had to have happened at the Proto-Mataguayan and Proto-Guaykuruan languages stage.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Chapter 1. Nonverbal predication in Amazonia 1
  4. Part I. Overviews of nonverbal predication in individual languages
  5. Chapter 2. Nonverbal predication and the nonverbal clause type of Mojeño Trinitario 53
  6. Chapter 3. Nonverbal predication in Paresi-Haliti 85
  7. Chapter 4. Nonverbal predication in Kari’nja (Cariban, Suriname) 103
  8. Chapter 5. Nonverbal predicates and copula constructions in Aguaruna (Chicham) 135
  9. Chapter 6. To hi or not to hi ? 163
  10. Chapter 7. Between verb and noun 193
  11. Chapter 8. Nonverbal predication in Movima 217
  12. Chapter 9. Nonverbal predication in Ninam (northern Brazil) 245
  13. Part II. Exploring specific subtypes of nonverbal predicates
  14. Chapter 10. Locative, existential and possessive predication in the Chaco 263
  15. Chapter 11. Possessive semantic relations and construction types in Kukama-Kukamiria 295
  16. Part III. Diachronic pathways to and from nonverbal predication
  17. Chapter 12. Constructions with has(a) in Wampis 317
  18. Chapter 13. Evidence for the development of action nominals in Awetí towards ergatively-marked predicates 339
  19. Chapter 14. Reconstructing the copulas and nonverbal predicate constructions in Cariban 365
  20. Index 403
https://doi.org/10.1075/tsl.122.10dor

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Chapter 1. Nonverbal predication in Amazonia 1
  4. Part I. Overviews of nonverbal predication in individual languages
  5. Chapter 2. Nonverbal predication and the nonverbal clause type of Mojeño Trinitario 53
  6. Chapter 3. Nonverbal predication in Paresi-Haliti 85
  7. Chapter 4. Nonverbal predication in Kari’nja (Cariban, Suriname) 103
  8. Chapter 5. Nonverbal predicates and copula constructions in Aguaruna (Chicham) 135
  9. Chapter 6. To hi or not to hi ? 163
  10. Chapter 7. Between verb and noun 193
  11. Chapter 8. Nonverbal predication in Movima 217
  12. Chapter 9. Nonverbal predication in Ninam (northern Brazil) 245
  13. Part II. Exploring specific subtypes of nonverbal predicates
  14. Chapter 10. Locative, existential and possessive predication in the Chaco 263
  15. Chapter 11. Possessive semantic relations and construction types in Kukama-Kukamiria 295
  16. Part III. Diachronic pathways to and from nonverbal predication
  17. Chapter 12. Constructions with has(a) in Wampis 317
  18. Chapter 13. Evidence for the development of action nominals in Awetí towards ergatively-marked predicates 339
  19. Chapter 14. Reconstructing the copulas and nonverbal predicate constructions in Cariban 365
  20. Index 403
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