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Chapter 13. Evidence for the development of action nominals in Awetí towards ergatively-marked predicates

  • Sabine Reiter
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Nonverbal Predication in Amazonian Languages
This chapter is in the book Nonverbal Predication in Amazonian Languages

Abstract

Non-verbal predicates without any copula occur at a high frequency in Awetí discourse. Especially numerous are action nominals as heads of action nominal constructions (ANCs) with the structure of possessive NPs. There is evidence that in this Tupian language action nominals of a specific type have lost their pragmatic markedness and undergone a reanalysis as nuclei of main clause predicates. This tendency of a reanalysis of nominalizations has been observed in a variety of South American language families. As monoclausal constructions, ANCs have properties and possibilities which are absent in clauses with finite verbs. One of them is their consistent ergative person-marking and ordering of constituents, compared to Awetí finite verbs with their asymmetrical indexing pattern, and a constituent order in clauses with finite verbs which is motivated by discourse-pragmatic principles. Another is the possibility of a change in perspective in 3rd person arguments marked by an ‘antipassive’ on an action nominal, while 3rd person reference on finite verbs is determined by a person-animacy hierarchy.

Abstract

Non-verbal predicates without any copula occur at a high frequency in Awetí discourse. Especially numerous are action nominals as heads of action nominal constructions (ANCs) with the structure of possessive NPs. There is evidence that in this Tupian language action nominals of a specific type have lost their pragmatic markedness and undergone a reanalysis as nuclei of main clause predicates. This tendency of a reanalysis of nominalizations has been observed in a variety of South American language families. As monoclausal constructions, ANCs have properties and possibilities which are absent in clauses with finite verbs. One of them is their consistent ergative person-marking and ordering of constituents, compared to Awetí finite verbs with their asymmetrical indexing pattern, and a constituent order in clauses with finite verbs which is motivated by discourse-pragmatic principles. Another is the possibility of a change in perspective in 3rd person arguments marked by an ‘antipassive’ on an action nominal, while 3rd person reference on finite verbs is determined by a person-animacy hierarchy.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Chapter 1. Nonverbal predication in Amazonia 1
  4. Part I. Overviews of nonverbal predication in individual languages
  5. Chapter 2. Nonverbal predication and the nonverbal clause type of Mojeño Trinitario 53
  6. Chapter 3. Nonverbal predication in Paresi-Haliti 85
  7. Chapter 4. Nonverbal predication in Kari’nja (Cariban, Suriname) 103
  8. Chapter 5. Nonverbal predicates and copula constructions in Aguaruna (Chicham) 135
  9. Chapter 6. To hi or not to hi ? 163
  10. Chapter 7. Between verb and noun 193
  11. Chapter 8. Nonverbal predication in Movima 217
  12. Chapter 9. Nonverbal predication in Ninam (northern Brazil) 245
  13. Part II. Exploring specific subtypes of nonverbal predicates
  14. Chapter 10. Locative, existential and possessive predication in the Chaco 263
  15. Chapter 11. Possessive semantic relations and construction types in Kukama-Kukamiria 295
  16. Part III. Diachronic pathways to and from nonverbal predication
  17. Chapter 12. Constructions with has(a) in Wampis 317
  18. Chapter 13. Evidence for the development of action nominals in Awetí towards ergatively-marked predicates 339
  19. Chapter 14. Reconstructing the copulas and nonverbal predicate constructions in Cariban 365
  20. Index 403
https://doi.org/10.1075/tsl.122.13rei

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Chapter 1. Nonverbal predication in Amazonia 1
  4. Part I. Overviews of nonverbal predication in individual languages
  5. Chapter 2. Nonverbal predication and the nonverbal clause type of Mojeño Trinitario 53
  6. Chapter 3. Nonverbal predication in Paresi-Haliti 85
  7. Chapter 4. Nonverbal predication in Kari’nja (Cariban, Suriname) 103
  8. Chapter 5. Nonverbal predicates and copula constructions in Aguaruna (Chicham) 135
  9. Chapter 6. To hi or not to hi ? 163
  10. Chapter 7. Between verb and noun 193
  11. Chapter 8. Nonverbal predication in Movima 217
  12. Chapter 9. Nonverbal predication in Ninam (northern Brazil) 245
  13. Part II. Exploring specific subtypes of nonverbal predicates
  14. Chapter 10. Locative, existential and possessive predication in the Chaco 263
  15. Chapter 11. Possessive semantic relations and construction types in Kukama-Kukamiria 295
  16. Part III. Diachronic pathways to and from nonverbal predication
  17. Chapter 12. Constructions with has(a) in Wampis 317
  18. Chapter 13. Evidence for the development of action nominals in Awetí towards ergatively-marked predicates 339
  19. Chapter 14. Reconstructing the copulas and nonverbal predicate constructions in Cariban 365
  20. Index 403
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