Unaccusativity and the diachrony of null and cognate objects in Greek
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Nikolaos Lavidas
Abstract
In the present paper, we show that in contrast to the diachronic instability that unergatives and transitives present with regard to null and cognate objects, alternating unaccusative verbs constantly appear to meet more restrictions in null and cognate object constructions than the other verbal classes. The restrictions of the null objects with alternating unaccusatives hold irrespective of the structure and the voice morphology of the alternating unaccusatives: alternating unaccusative verbs can be found in causative constructions with null objects only of the most freely used type of null objects (generic null objects); the other verbal classes can appear with deictic null objects in Modern and Ancient Greek or even with referential null objects in Ancient Greek. Cognate objects in Ancient Greek show both argumental and adverbial characteristics: unergatives in Ancient Greek can take cognate objects of argumental or adverbial character, but unaccusatives only take adverbial cognate accusatives. The common complex (causative) template of alternating unaccusatives (in both causative and anticausative uses) can be observed as the cause of the obligatory presence of the patient argument in causative uses of alternating unaccusatives, while the dependence of atelic/telic interpretation in Ancient Greek (especially in Homeric Greek) on an aktionsart/situation type aspect can explain the differences found between the Ancient and the Modern Greek cognate constructions.
Abstract
In the present paper, we show that in contrast to the diachronic instability that unergatives and transitives present with regard to null and cognate objects, alternating unaccusative verbs constantly appear to meet more restrictions in null and cognate object constructions than the other verbal classes. The restrictions of the null objects with alternating unaccusatives hold irrespective of the structure and the voice morphology of the alternating unaccusatives: alternating unaccusative verbs can be found in causative constructions with null objects only of the most freely used type of null objects (generic null objects); the other verbal classes can appear with deictic null objects in Modern and Ancient Greek or even with referential null objects in Ancient Greek. Cognate objects in Ancient Greek show both argumental and adverbial characteristics: unergatives in Ancient Greek can take cognate objects of argumental or adverbial character, but unaccusatives only take adverbial cognate accusatives. The common complex (causative) template of alternating unaccusatives (in both causative and anticausative uses) can be observed as the cause of the obligatory presence of the patient argument in causative uses of alternating unaccusatives, while the dependence of atelic/telic interpretation in Ancient Greek (especially in Homeric Greek) on an aktionsart/situation type aspect can explain the differences found between the Ancient and the Modern Greek cognate constructions.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents vii
- Argument structure in flux 1
-
Part I. Argument structure and encoding strategies
- Non-canonical subjects in clauses with noun predicates 15
- Differential agent marking in Hinuq 33
- Case variation and case alternation in Indo-European and beyond 53
- Constructional polysemy and argument realisation with the Irish GET verb 87
-
Part II. Argument structure and verb classes
- Latin preverbs and verb argument structure 119
- Experiencing linking 135
- Introduce 169
- On the relationship between lexical aspect, verbal meaning, and (lexical) argument structure 201
- Four Romanian verbs of occurring 231
-
Part III. Unexpressed arguments
- The pro cycle 257
- Argument promotion and SE-constructions in Brazilian Portuguese 285
- Unaccusativity and the diachrony of null and cognate objects in Greek 307
-
Part IV. Split intransitivity
- Split intransitivity in Irish and the syntax-semantics interface 345
- Semantic constraints on the Latin impersonal passive 373
- Auxiliary selection in German 405
- Tornar and volver 435
-
Part V. Existential and presentational constructions
- Control and the evolution of possessive and existential constructions 461
- Existential constructions 477
- Variation and change in the presentational constructions of north-western Italo-Romance varieties 511
- Argument realization and existential pro-forms in early Italo-Romance 549
- Author index 567
- Language and topic index 573
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents vii
- Argument structure in flux 1
-
Part I. Argument structure and encoding strategies
- Non-canonical subjects in clauses with noun predicates 15
- Differential agent marking in Hinuq 33
- Case variation and case alternation in Indo-European and beyond 53
- Constructional polysemy and argument realisation with the Irish GET verb 87
-
Part II. Argument structure and verb classes
- Latin preverbs and verb argument structure 119
- Experiencing linking 135
- Introduce 169
- On the relationship between lexical aspect, verbal meaning, and (lexical) argument structure 201
- Four Romanian verbs of occurring 231
-
Part III. Unexpressed arguments
- The pro cycle 257
- Argument promotion and SE-constructions in Brazilian Portuguese 285
- Unaccusativity and the diachrony of null and cognate objects in Greek 307
-
Part IV. Split intransitivity
- Split intransitivity in Irish and the syntax-semantics interface 345
- Semantic constraints on the Latin impersonal passive 373
- Auxiliary selection in German 405
- Tornar and volver 435
-
Part V. Existential and presentational constructions
- Control and the evolution of possessive and existential constructions 461
- Existential constructions 477
- Variation and change in the presentational constructions of north-western Italo-Romance varieties 511
- Argument realization and existential pro-forms in early Italo-Romance 549
- Author index 567
- Language and topic index 573
