On the syntax of datives in unaccusative configurations
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Alexandra Cornilescu
Abstract
The paper examines a class of Dative-Nominative psych constructions based on light unaccusative verbs. Unaccusative Datives contrast with Datives in ditransitive structures. One sharp difference is the obligatory presence of the Dative clitic, while the clitic is optional in ditransitive structures. A second difference regards nominalizations. Dative constructions of ditransitives permit nominalizations, but the nominalization of unaccusative psych constructions is impossible. We analyze these unaccusative configurations as applicative constructions, with the Dative licensed by an expletive applicative head. The Dative merges as a Goal/Location in a position where it cannot value case. The clitic is required to pull the Dative out of the vP, to a position where case may be valued. The clitic also contributes a Person feature, so that the Experiencer interpretation of this Dative is derivationally constructed. Nominalization is impossible because the functional structure of the nominalization is not rich enough to accommodate the obligatory clitic.
Abstract
The paper examines a class of Dative-Nominative psych constructions based on light unaccusative verbs. Unaccusative Datives contrast with Datives in ditransitive structures. One sharp difference is the obligatory presence of the Dative clitic, while the clitic is optional in ditransitive structures. A second difference regards nominalizations. Dative constructions of ditransitives permit nominalizations, but the nominalization of unaccusative psych constructions is impossible. We analyze these unaccusative configurations as applicative constructions, with the Dative licensed by an expletive applicative head. The Dative merges as a Goal/Location in a position where it cannot value case. The clitic is required to pull the Dative out of the vP, to a position where case may be valued. The clitic also contributes a Person feature, so that the Experiencer interpretation of this Dative is derivationally constructed. Nominalization is impossible because the functional structure of the nominalization is not rich enough to accommodate the obligatory clitic.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
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Word order and related pragmatic or semantic effects
- Focus fronting and its implicatures 1
- Romance causatives and object shift 21
- Conditionally interpreted declaratives in Spanish 39
- Microparametric variation in Old ItaloRomance syntax 51
- Different effects of syntactic knowledge, associative memory and working memory in L2 processing of filler-gap dependencies 67
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Morphology and semantics of the verb and verb placement
- The paradigmatic instantiation of TAM 85
- Deriving the readings of French être en train de 103
- On the syntax of datives in unaccusative configurations 119
- The perfect between Latin and Romance 159
- Productivity and Portuguese morphology 175
- Reflexively marked anticausatives are not semantically reflexive 203
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Morphosyntax of the DP and its relation to clause structure
- Deverbal nominalization with the ‘Down’-operator 223
- The (non-)grammaticalization of possession in Guatemalan Spanish 239
- On Spanish possessive formation 261
- Language Index 277
- Subject Index 279
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
-
Word order and related pragmatic or semantic effects
- Focus fronting and its implicatures 1
- Romance causatives and object shift 21
- Conditionally interpreted declaratives in Spanish 39
- Microparametric variation in Old ItaloRomance syntax 51
- Different effects of syntactic knowledge, associative memory and working memory in L2 processing of filler-gap dependencies 67
-
Morphology and semantics of the verb and verb placement
- The paradigmatic instantiation of TAM 85
- Deriving the readings of French être en train de 103
- On the syntax of datives in unaccusative configurations 119
- The perfect between Latin and Romance 159
- Productivity and Portuguese morphology 175
- Reflexively marked anticausatives are not semantically reflexive 203
-
Morphosyntax of the DP and its relation to clause structure
- Deverbal nominalization with the ‘Down’-operator 223
- The (non-)grammaticalization of possession in Guatemalan Spanish 239
- On Spanish possessive formation 261
- Language Index 277
- Subject Index 279
