Implications of grammatical gender for the theory of uninterpretable features
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Vicki Carstens
Abstract
I argue that grammatical gender is semantically empty but intrinsically valued, so the strict linkage between uninterpretable and unvalued in Chomsky (2001) cannot be correct. I then demonstrate that gender is infinitely reusable as an “ activity” feature; in contrast, abstract Case activates a DP for just one Agree relation. This asymmetry suggests that valuation via Agree causes goal deactivation, and that deactivation is not necessary for every uninterpretable feature (uF). I accordingly analyze deactivation as arising from PF illegibility of multiple values for a single feature. Agree relations value Case, but never value nominal gender, so the legibility problem does not arise. I demonstrate that in Bantu, adjunction of N to D makes gender accessible to all probes outside DP. This and the reusability of gender as an activity feature leads to a cluster of systematic contrasts between Bantu and Indo-European languages: Bantu DPs A-move much more freely than Indo-European DPs, and value iterating subject agreement. The facts thus demonstrate that the internal syntax of DP impacts its feature matrix; it is not the case that a DP automatically inherits all f-features of its subparts, as syntactic theory generally assumes. Finally, I illustrate that Bantu C and T can agree with different expressions, casting doubt on the Feature Inheritance approach to uF in Chomsky (2007, 2008) and Richards (2007). The facts of grammatical gender argue that valued uF Transfer to the Conceptual-Intentional Interface without inducing crashes.
Abstract
I argue that grammatical gender is semantically empty but intrinsically valued, so the strict linkage between uninterpretable and unvalued in Chomsky (2001) cannot be correct. I then demonstrate that gender is infinitely reusable as an “ activity” feature; in contrast, abstract Case activates a DP for just one Agree relation. This asymmetry suggests that valuation via Agree causes goal deactivation, and that deactivation is not necessary for every uninterpretable feature (uF). I accordingly analyze deactivation as arising from PF illegibility of multiple values for a single feature. Agree relations value Case, but never value nominal gender, so the legibility problem does not arise. I demonstrate that in Bantu, adjunction of N to D makes gender accessible to all probes outside DP. This and the reusability of gender as an activity feature leads to a cluster of systematic contrasts between Bantu and Indo-European languages: Bantu DPs A-move much more freely than Indo-European DPs, and value iterating subject agreement. The facts thus demonstrate that the internal syntax of DP impacts its feature matrix; it is not the case that a DP automatically inherits all f-features of its subparts, as syntactic theory generally assumes. Finally, I illustrate that Bantu C and T can agree with different expressions, casting doubt on the Feature Inheritance approach to uF in Chomsky (2007, 2008) and Richards (2007). The facts of grammatical gender argue that valued uF Transfer to the Conceptual-Intentional Interface without inducing crashes.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Preface & Acknowledgments ix
- List of contributors xi
- Exploring crash-proof grammars 1
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Part I Applications of crash-proof grammar
- Computation efficiency and feature inheritance in crash-proof syntax 15
- Implications of grammatical gender for the theory of uninterpretable features 31
- The Empty Left Edge Condition 59
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Part II The crash-proof debate
- Grammaticality, interfaces, and UG 89
- A tale of two minimalisms 105
- Uninterpretable features 125
- Syntactic relations in Survive-minimalism 143
- Toward a strongly derivational syntax 167
- On the mathematical foundations of crash-proof grammars 213
- Crash-proof syntax and filters 245
- Crash-free syntax and crash phenomena in model-theoretic grammar 269
- Index 299
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Preface & Acknowledgments ix
- List of contributors xi
- Exploring crash-proof grammars 1
-
Part I Applications of crash-proof grammar
- Computation efficiency and feature inheritance in crash-proof syntax 15
- Implications of grammatical gender for the theory of uninterpretable features 31
- The Empty Left Edge Condition 59
-
Part II The crash-proof debate
- Grammaticality, interfaces, and UG 89
- A tale of two minimalisms 105
- Uninterpretable features 125
- Syntactic relations in Survive-minimalism 143
- Toward a strongly derivational syntax 167
- On the mathematical foundations of crash-proof grammars 213
- Crash-proof syntax and filters 245
- Crash-free syntax and crash phenomena in model-theoretic grammar 269
- Index 299
