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L1-Mandarin L2-English learners’ acquisition of English double-quantifier scope

  • Mien-Jen Wu und Tania Ionin
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Abstract

English double-quantifier configurations such as A dog scared every man are ambiguous between a surface-scope reading (there exists one specific dog which scared every man) and an inverse-scope reading (each man was scared by a possibly different dog), while the Mandarin equivalent only has the surface-scope reading. Therefore, if L1-transfer is at work, L1-Mandarin L2-English learners would not initially allow inverse-scope readings in English, but may acquire them through exposure to relevant input. We tested learners in the U.S. and native English speakers on their acceptance of surface-scope and inverse-scope readings and found that learners disallowed inverse-scope readings of English double-quantifier sentences. This suggests that positive evidence alone is not sufficient for the L2-acquisition of inverse scope.

Abstract

English double-quantifier configurations such as A dog scared every man are ambiguous between a surface-scope reading (there exists one specific dog which scared every man) and an inverse-scope reading (each man was scared by a possibly different dog), while the Mandarin equivalent only has the surface-scope reading. Therefore, if L1-transfer is at work, L1-Mandarin L2-English learners would not initially allow inverse-scope readings in English, but may acquire them through exposure to relevant input. We tested learners in the U.S. and native English speakers on their acceptance of surface-scope and inverse-scope readings and found that learners disallowed inverse-scope readings of English double-quantifier sentences. This suggests that positive evidence alone is not sufficient for the L2-acquisition of inverse scope.

Heruntergeladen am 27.9.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/lald.67.04wu/html
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