Chapter 7. Sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese
-
Waltraud Paul
Abstract
Sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese realize the heads of three projections in the rigidly ordered head-final CP ‘Low CP < ForceP < AttitudeP’. Only the highest projection AttitudeP encodes discourse-related properties, whereas ForceP encodes the sentence-type (interrogative, imperative). Low Cs interact with properties of the TP-internal extended verbal projection and are obligatory when acting as (non-default) anchors. They play an important role in determining the temporal interpretation and finiteness in Mandarin Chinese and can therefore no longer be neglected by studies addressing these issues. There is no evidence for an “incremental” acquisition “up the tree” of the different projections in the split CP nor for the acquisition of TP prior to CP, as postulated by the cartographic approach.
Abstract
Sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese realize the heads of three projections in the rigidly ordered head-final CP ‘Low CP < ForceP < AttitudeP’. Only the highest projection AttitudeP encodes discourse-related properties, whereas ForceP encodes the sentence-type (interrogative, imperative). Low Cs interact with properties of the TP-internal extended verbal projection and are obligatory when acting as (non-default) anchors. They play an important role in determining the temporal interpretation and finiteness in Mandarin Chinese and can therefore no longer be neglected by studies addressing these issues. There is no evidence for an “incremental” acquisition “up the tree” of the different projections in the split CP nor for the acquisition of TP prior to CP, as postulated by the cartographic approach.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
-
Part I. Diachronic issues and the development of discourse particles
- Chapter 1. On the adverbial origin of German modal particles 13
- Chapter 2. A particle-like use of hwæþer Wisdom’s questions in Boethius 41
- Chapter 3. The discourse particle es que in Spanish and in other Iberian languages 65
-
Part II. Syntactic analyses of discourse particles
- Chapter 4. Agreeing complementizers may just be moody 101
- Chapter 5. Outer particles vs tag particles 131
- Chapter 6. Anchoring primary and secondary interjections to the context 157
- Chapter 7. Sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese 179
-
Part III. The semantic-pragmatics of discourse particles
- Chapter 8. Meaning and use of the Basque particle bide 209
- Chapter 9. Three German discourse particles as speech act modifiers 229
- Language index 255
- Subject index 257
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
-
Part I. Diachronic issues and the development of discourse particles
- Chapter 1. On the adverbial origin of German modal particles 13
- Chapter 2. A particle-like use of hwæþer Wisdom’s questions in Boethius 41
- Chapter 3. The discourse particle es que in Spanish and in other Iberian languages 65
-
Part II. Syntactic analyses of discourse particles
- Chapter 4. Agreeing complementizers may just be moody 101
- Chapter 5. Outer particles vs tag particles 131
- Chapter 6. Anchoring primary and secondary interjections to the context 157
- Chapter 7. Sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese 179
-
Part III. The semantic-pragmatics of discourse particles
- Chapter 8. Meaning and use of the Basque particle bide 209
- Chapter 9. Three German discourse particles as speech act modifiers 229
- Language index 255
- Subject index 257
