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Chapter 9. Quantifictional binding without surface c-command in Mandarin Chinese

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Abstract

This article discusses quantificational binding without surface c-command in Mandarin Chinese. Jin (1998) pointed out that Chinese quantificational NPs (Q-NPs) headed by mei ‘every’ are capable of binding out of containers such as sentential subjects, relative clauses or adverbial clauses and there is a subject/object asymmetry with respect to such binding. This asymmetry, if correct, is reminiscent of the non-coreference rule on pronominal anaphora which also displays an effect of subject/object asymmetry (cf. Huang 1982 and Teng 1985) and would call for a unifying treatment of the two phenomena. However, contrary to Jin’s observation, this article shows that universal Q-NPs in object position may actually bind out of their containers just like universal Q-NP subjects, thus making it infeasible to define a common locality domain to which both quantificational binding and referential pronominal anaphora are sensitive. Instead, this article argues that quantificational binding is an LF phenomenon constrained by LF mechanisms. A minimum requirement for quantificational binding is that the pronoun bound by a given quantifier must be within the scope of that quantifier at LF. Though this minimum requirement in principle enables Q-NPs to have high scope, they are subject to other conditions such as the general Condition on Scope Interpretation, which prevents a Q-NP from taking scope over another one that c-commands it at surface structure. The interaction of the two conditions explains why in some cases Q-NPs may take high scope and bind a pronoun that they do not c-command but not in some other cases. Backward quantificational binding, on the other hand, is a result of the interaction of several independently motivated mechanisms, including the possibility of reconstruction at LF, the Chinese-specific non-coreference rule and Chomsky’s Leftness Condition.

Abstract

This article discusses quantificational binding without surface c-command in Mandarin Chinese. Jin (1998) pointed out that Chinese quantificational NPs (Q-NPs) headed by mei ‘every’ are capable of binding out of containers such as sentential subjects, relative clauses or adverbial clauses and there is a subject/object asymmetry with respect to such binding. This asymmetry, if correct, is reminiscent of the non-coreference rule on pronominal anaphora which also displays an effect of subject/object asymmetry (cf. Huang 1982 and Teng 1985) and would call for a unifying treatment of the two phenomena. However, contrary to Jin’s observation, this article shows that universal Q-NPs in object position may actually bind out of their containers just like universal Q-NP subjects, thus making it infeasible to define a common locality domain to which both quantificational binding and referential pronominal anaphora are sensitive. Instead, this article argues that quantificational binding is an LF phenomenon constrained by LF mechanisms. A minimum requirement for quantificational binding is that the pronoun bound by a given quantifier must be within the scope of that quantifier at LF. Though this minimum requirement in principle enables Q-NPs to have high scope, they are subject to other conditions such as the general Condition on Scope Interpretation, which prevents a Q-NP from taking scope over another one that c-commands it at surface structure. The interaction of the two conditions explains why in some cases Q-NPs may take high scope and bind a pronoun that they do not c-command but not in some other cases. Backward quantificational binding, on the other hand, is a result of the interaction of several independently motivated mechanisms, including the possibility of reconstruction at LF, the Chinese-specific non-coreference rule and Chomsky’s Leftness Condition.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Chapter 1. Introduction 1
  4. Section I. Theoretical and descriptive issues in syntactic cartography
  5. Chapter 2. Cartography and selection in subjunctives and interrogatives 15
  6. Chapter 3. The syntax and information-structural semantics of negative inversion in English and their implications for the theory of focus 27
  7. Chapter 4. Invariant die and adverbial resumption in the Ghent dialect 53
  8. Chapter 5. Uncovering the left periphery of Etruscan 111
  9. Chapter 6. Subject drop in how come questions in English 127
  10. Chapter 7. Causativity alternation in the lower field 139
  11. Chapter 8. Another argument for the differences among wa -marked phrases 161
  12. Section II. Theoretical and descriptive issues in syntactic cartography
  13. Chapter 9. Quantifictional binding without surface c-command in Mandarin Chinese 183
  14. Chapter 10. Towards a cartography of light verbs 217
  15. Chapter 11. Attitudinal applicative in action 243
  16. Chapter 12. Multiple counterparts of Mandarin qu (go) in Teochew and their cartographic distributions 261
  17. Chapter 13. On the syntactic representation of Chinese you ( 有 ) in “ you + VP” construction 287
  18. Index 323
  19. List of contributors 328
Current Issues in Syntactic Cartography
This chapter is in the book Current Issues in Syntactic Cartography
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.267.09hua

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Chapter 1. Introduction 1
  4. Section I. Theoretical and descriptive issues in syntactic cartography
  5. Chapter 2. Cartography and selection in subjunctives and interrogatives 15
  6. Chapter 3. The syntax and information-structural semantics of negative inversion in English and their implications for the theory of focus 27
  7. Chapter 4. Invariant die and adverbial resumption in the Ghent dialect 53
  8. Chapter 5. Uncovering the left periphery of Etruscan 111
  9. Chapter 6. Subject drop in how come questions in English 127
  10. Chapter 7. Causativity alternation in the lower field 139
  11. Chapter 8. Another argument for the differences among wa -marked phrases 161
  12. Section II. Theoretical and descriptive issues in syntactic cartography
  13. Chapter 9. Quantifictional binding without surface c-command in Mandarin Chinese 183
  14. Chapter 10. Towards a cartography of light verbs 217
  15. Chapter 11. Attitudinal applicative in action 243
  16. Chapter 12. Multiple counterparts of Mandarin qu (go) in Teochew and their cartographic distributions 261
  17. Chapter 13. On the syntactic representation of Chinese you ( 有 ) in “ you + VP” construction 287
  18. Index 323
  19. List of contributors 328
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