Chapter 4. Invariant die and adverbial resumption in the Ghent dialect
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Karen De Clercq
Abstract
This chapter focusses on the apparent V3 pattern in (1), which is salient with some speakers of the Ghent dialect: an initial adverbial constituent in the root clause, vroeger (‘formerly’), is separated from the finite verb by an optional ‘pleonastic’ (Vanacker 1980) element, die. The element die has no impact on the truth value of the proposition it introduces. (1) Vroeger, (die) bakten wij vier soorten brood Formerly (die) baked we four sorts bread ‘We used to bake four kinds of bread.’ (Gijzenzele 0.28) (Vanacker 1980: 76) The chapter focusses on the distribution of resumptive constituents in Standard Dutch and in the Ghent dialect, comparing Ghent resumptive die with alternative adverbial resumptives in the Ghent dialect and with the corresponding StD resumptives. A first analysis is based on the Poletto/Wolfe V2 typology, which proposes that the Germanic languages are characterised by a Force-V2 requirement, meaning that the finite verb moves to Force, via Fin. We argue – in line with the literature – that the resumptive adverbial dan in StD and the Ghent dialect is phrasal, it merges TP-internally, moves via SpecFinP to SpecForceP and satisfies the Force V2-constraint. A constituent preceding resumptive dan is clause-external. In contrast, resumptive die in the Ghent dialect is a head which spells out Force. Because Force is spelt out by die, the finite verb halts in Fin. The final part of the chapter speculates on an alternative analysis in terms of a fully articulated left periphery in which die is a variant of Force that is specifically involved in the indirect satisfaction of LP criteria on Top and Foc.
Abstract
This chapter focusses on the apparent V3 pattern in (1), which is salient with some speakers of the Ghent dialect: an initial adverbial constituent in the root clause, vroeger (‘formerly’), is separated from the finite verb by an optional ‘pleonastic’ (Vanacker 1980) element, die. The element die has no impact on the truth value of the proposition it introduces. (1) Vroeger, (die) bakten wij vier soorten brood Formerly (die) baked we four sorts bread ‘We used to bake four kinds of bread.’ (Gijzenzele 0.28) (Vanacker 1980: 76) The chapter focusses on the distribution of resumptive constituents in Standard Dutch and in the Ghent dialect, comparing Ghent resumptive die with alternative adverbial resumptives in the Ghent dialect and with the corresponding StD resumptives. A first analysis is based on the Poletto/Wolfe V2 typology, which proposes that the Germanic languages are characterised by a Force-V2 requirement, meaning that the finite verb moves to Force, via Fin. We argue – in line with the literature – that the resumptive adverbial dan in StD and the Ghent dialect is phrasal, it merges TP-internally, moves via SpecFinP to SpecForceP and satisfies the Force V2-constraint. A constituent preceding resumptive dan is clause-external. In contrast, resumptive die in the Ghent dialect is a head which spells out Force. Because Force is spelt out by die, the finite verb halts in Fin. The final part of the chapter speculates on an alternative analysis in terms of a fully articulated left periphery in which die is a variant of Force that is specifically involved in the indirect satisfaction of LP criteria on Top and Foc.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. Introduction 1
-
Section I. Theoretical and descriptive issues in syntactic cartography
- Chapter 2. Cartography and selection in subjunctives and interrogatives 15
- Chapter 3. The syntax and information-structural semantics of negative inversion in English and their implications for the theory of focus 27
- Chapter 4. Invariant die and adverbial resumption in the Ghent dialect 53
- Chapter 5. Uncovering the left periphery of Etruscan 111
- Chapter 6. Subject drop in how come questions in English 127
- Chapter 7. Causativity alternation in the lower field 139
- Chapter 8. Another argument for the differences among wa -marked phrases 161
-
Section II. Theoretical and descriptive issues in syntactic cartography
- Chapter 9. Quantifictional binding without surface c-command in Mandarin Chinese 183
- Chapter 10. Towards a cartography of light verbs 217
- Chapter 11. Attitudinal applicative in action 243
- Chapter 12. Multiple counterparts of Mandarin qu (go) in Teochew and their cartographic distributions 261
- Chapter 13. On the syntactic representation of Chinese you ( 有 ) in “ you + VP” construction 287
- Index 323
- List of contributors 328
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. Introduction 1
-
Section I. Theoretical and descriptive issues in syntactic cartography
- Chapter 2. Cartography and selection in subjunctives and interrogatives 15
- Chapter 3. The syntax and information-structural semantics of negative inversion in English and their implications for the theory of focus 27
- Chapter 4. Invariant die and adverbial resumption in the Ghent dialect 53
- Chapter 5. Uncovering the left periphery of Etruscan 111
- Chapter 6. Subject drop in how come questions in English 127
- Chapter 7. Causativity alternation in the lower field 139
- Chapter 8. Another argument for the differences among wa -marked phrases 161
-
Section II. Theoretical and descriptive issues in syntactic cartography
- Chapter 9. Quantifictional binding without surface c-command in Mandarin Chinese 183
- Chapter 10. Towards a cartography of light verbs 217
- Chapter 11. Attitudinal applicative in action 243
- Chapter 12. Multiple counterparts of Mandarin qu (go) in Teochew and their cartographic distributions 261
- Chapter 13. On the syntactic representation of Chinese you ( 有 ) in “ you + VP” construction 287
- Index 323
- List of contributors 328
