Home Linguistics & Semiotics On another apparent violation of the subject-island constraint in French
Chapter
Licensed
Unlicensed Requires Authentication

On another apparent violation of the subject-island constraint in French

  • Guido Mensching and Franziska Werner
View more publications by John Benjamins Publishing Company

Abstract

This chapter addresses extractions of wh-marked complements of nouns out of French subject DPs into direct interrogatives – an apparent violation of the subject island constraint. We explain why some speakers of French can extract such constituents into interrogatives with complex inversion, whereas the grammaticality of other interrogative structures is clearly degraded. Our formal analysis is based on the Minimalist Program and assumes that material extracted from DPs has to pass through the DP phase-edge. In complex inversion, a structure in which the subject itself needs to move to the CP, the reordered subject DP (with the complement of N at the DP phase-edge) moves as a whole, thus giving a surface order that violates the subject island constraint only in appearance.

Abstract

This chapter addresses extractions of wh-marked complements of nouns out of French subject DPs into direct interrogatives – an apparent violation of the subject island constraint. We explain why some speakers of French can extract such constituents into interrogatives with complex inversion, whereas the grammaticality of other interrogative structures is clearly degraded. Our formal analysis is based on the Minimalist Program and assumes that material extracted from DPs has to pass through the DP phase-edge. In complex inversion, a structure in which the subject itself needs to move to the CP, the reordered subject DP (with the complement of N at the DP phase-edge) moves as a whole, thus giving a surface order that violates the subject island constraint only in appearance.

Downloaded on 29.12.2025 from https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/cilt.355.14men/html
Scroll to top button