John Benjamins Publishing Company
The Predicationality Hypothesis
Abstract
Cataphoric propositional pronoun insertion (CPPI) in complex sentences is subject to language-specific restrictions. In Hungarian, the insertion of the cataphoric propositional pronoun azt is possible in complex sentences with assertive matrix verbs (‘say’), but not with factives (‘regret’), while German displays a mirror pattern.
In our strictly modular theoretical framework we argue that CPPI is dependent on the syntactic type and the realization of Spec-CP in the embedded clause. In accordance with Chomsky (2008), we assume that the derivation of Spec-CP results from the instantiation of the edge-feature (EF) in C.
Narrow Syntax is, however, only responsible for the actual derivation of Spec-CP, not for the interpretational effects of this position. The discourse-semantic content of Spec-CP can vary among different languages. In Hungarian the EF is associated with the predicational status of the embedded clause, and in German it is associated with the clause’s non-predicational status (the Predicationality Hypothesis).
Abstract
Cataphoric propositional pronoun insertion (CPPI) in complex sentences is subject to language-specific restrictions. In Hungarian, the insertion of the cataphoric propositional pronoun azt is possible in complex sentences with assertive matrix verbs (‘say’), but not with factives (‘regret’), while German displays a mirror pattern.
In our strictly modular theoretical framework we argue that CPPI is dependent on the syntactic type and the realization of Spec-CP in the embedded clause. In accordance with Chomsky (2008), we assume that the derivation of Spec-CP results from the instantiation of the edge-feature (EF) in C.
Narrow Syntax is, however, only responsible for the actual derivation of Spec-CP, not for the interpretational effects of this position. The discourse-semantic content of Spec-CP can vary among different languages. In Hungarian the EF is associated with the predicational status of the embedded clause, and in German it is associated with the clause’s non-predicational status (the Predicationality Hypothesis).
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
- Arguments for arguments in the complement zone of the Hungarian nominal head 5
- Inverse agreement and Hungarian verb paradigms 37
- Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak? 65
- Word order variation in Hungarian PPs 95
- The morphosyntax of (in)alienably possessed noun phrases 121
- Abstractness or complexity? 147
- Free Choice and Aspect in Hungarian 167
- Relative pronouns as sluicing remnants 187
- The Predicationality Hypothesis 209
- Psych verbs, anaphors and the configurationality issue in Hungarian 245
- Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis 267
- Index 293
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
- Arguments for arguments in the complement zone of the Hungarian nominal head 5
- Inverse agreement and Hungarian verb paradigms 37
- Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak? 65
- Word order variation in Hungarian PPs 95
- The morphosyntax of (in)alienably possessed noun phrases 121
- Abstractness or complexity? 147
- Free Choice and Aspect in Hungarian 167
- Relative pronouns as sluicing remnants 187
- The Predicationality Hypothesis 209
- Psych verbs, anaphors and the configurationality issue in Hungarian 245
- Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis 267
- Index 293
