John Benjamins Publishing Company
Word order variation in Hungarian PPs
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Abstract
This paper proposes a syntactic account of the variation Hungarian case assigning adpositions exhibit in their word order and extraction properties. The empirical generalization is that if a P allows the prepositional word order then it can also be stranded by its complement and it also has a particle use, but not vice versa. We suggest that some Ps are inserted in the Place/Path head and cannot move higher. Ps allowing the particle use and P-stranding are inserted in a higher head, namely p. The particle use and P-stranding involve PlaceP/PathP extraction from pP, separating the adposition from its complement. PlaceP/PathP and pP are head-final. A subset of Ps inserted in p may move into a higher, left-headed projection, deriving a prepositional order. We also account for the fact that some case assigning Ps may appear without a complement. We suggest that this is due to a difference in the licensing of deictic here/there complements, which may remain silent: those Ps have a seemingly intransitive use that allow here/there as their complement.
Abstract
This paper proposes a syntactic account of the variation Hungarian case assigning adpositions exhibit in their word order and extraction properties. The empirical generalization is that if a P allows the prepositional word order then it can also be stranded by its complement and it also has a particle use, but not vice versa. We suggest that some Ps are inserted in the Place/Path head and cannot move higher. Ps allowing the particle use and P-stranding are inserted in a higher head, namely p. The particle use and P-stranding involve PlaceP/PathP extraction from pP, separating the adposition from its complement. PlaceP/PathP and pP are head-final. A subset of Ps inserted in p may move into a higher, left-headed projection, deriving a prepositional order. We also account for the fact that some case assigning Ps may appear without a complement. We suggest that this is due to a difference in the licensing of deictic here/there complements, which may remain silent: those Ps have a seemingly intransitive use that allow here/there as their complement.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
- Arguments for arguments in the complement zone of the Hungarian nominal head 5
- Inverse agreement and Hungarian verb paradigms 37
- Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak? 65
- Word order variation in Hungarian PPs 95
- The morphosyntax of (in)alienably possessed noun phrases 121
- Abstractness or complexity? 147
- Free Choice and Aspect in Hungarian 167
- Relative pronouns as sluicing remnants 187
- The Predicationality Hypothesis 209
- Psych verbs, anaphors and the configurationality issue in Hungarian 245
- Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis 267
- Index 293
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
- Arguments for arguments in the complement zone of the Hungarian nominal head 5
- Inverse agreement and Hungarian verb paradigms 37
- Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak? 65
- Word order variation in Hungarian PPs 95
- The morphosyntax of (in)alienably possessed noun phrases 121
- Abstractness or complexity? 147
- Free Choice and Aspect in Hungarian 167
- Relative pronouns as sluicing remnants 187
- The Predicationality Hypothesis 209
- Psych verbs, anaphors and the configurationality issue in Hungarian 245
- Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis 267
- Index 293
