Volume 48, Issue 1

Basing itself on a corpus of one thousand complex NPs, this study investigates the relationships that two attributive adjectives contract with the constituents of nominal compounds of varying size in English (e.g. new basic safety standards). Essentially, there are four logically possible relationships: (i) both adjectives modify the nominal head, (ii) both adjectives modify the nominal modifier, (iii) the first adjective modifies the head and the second adjective the modifier and (iv) the first adjective modifies the modifier and the second adjective the head (crossed modification). While options (i) and (iii) are strongly represented in the data, crossed modification is not at all present. Across all compound sizes, at least three factors shape the empirical patterns: a functional factor whereby major heads are more easily singled out than minor heads, which in turn are more available than modifiers; a structural factor whereby more deeply embedded constituents are less available than more independent constituents; and a proximity effect which encourages the modification of the first noun by the second adjective. There may be an additional saturation effect which discourages the modification of one noun by two adjectives. On the face of it, the non-occurrence of crossed modification may be connected to the well-known ban on crossing association lines. However, despite its descriptive adequacy, this principle is unconvincing. Instead, a functional explanation is proposed which centres on the possibility of working out modification relationships. Initial steps are taken towards developing a model of when (and why) the no-crossing constraint is inviolable, violable or non-existent

Encapsulating anaphors differ from other types of anaphor by having one or more situations - not an entity - as its referent. The main aim of the article is to propose a hypothesis for how anaphoric encapsulation is resolved. The hypothesis builds on the cognitive linguistic theory of instructional semantics to suggest that anaphoric encapsulation provides instructions for the interpretive process, leading to the resolution of the anaphoric relation. A secondary aim is to illustrate various functions of this type of anaphor

We argue that the unaccusativity phenomenon occurs in Croatian, as in many other languages. We demonstrate that unaccusative predicates not only have to meet specific (morpho)syntactic diagnostic criteria, but also that semantic criteria are involved. We show that it is possible to characterize Croatian intransitive verbs as unaccusatives using the following diagnostics: 1. past participle derivation by suffixation of -l; 2. participial adjective formation; 3. -ač (-er) nominals; 4. prefixation by the preverbs po-, do- and u-; 5. the perfective aspect; 6. resultative constructions; and 7. the possessive dative. In order to demonstrate a number of relevant semantic diagnostics, three classes of verbs are isolated, defined in terms of their lexical semantic representation and their morphosyntactic configuration: verbs of change of state, verbs of appearance and verbs of inherently directed motion

Finnish is one of the relatively few languages that have bipositions - adpositions that can be used both prepositionally and postpositionally. From a typological point of view, the class of bipositions is quite rare (Hagège 2010: 124). Prepositional and postpositional usages of Finnish bipositions may show remarkable differences, which are not only of stylistic but also of semantic nature. Semantic differences, for instance, may pertain to the opposition between actual and subjective motion. In this article, I discuss constructions containing the Finnish path adpositions (P-ADPs) läpi ‘through’ and yli ‘over, across’ and investigate the semantics of the verbs used in these constructions. I show that semantically more schematic motion verbs prefer postpositions, whereas more specific or contentful ones (such as those that elaborate the motion by emphasizing its incrementality or lack of directionality) prefer prepositions

The Spanish prepositional phrase hasta la muerte ‘to death’, in addition to its emphatic and intensifying function (e.g. Hay que animar al equipo hasta la muerte ‘The team must be supported wholeheartedly (lit. to death)’), over the last few years developed a resultative function (e.g. Las mujeres fueron torturadas hasta la muerte ‘The women were tortured to death’; Lo apedrearon hasta la muerte ‘They stoned him to death’), equivalent to the one displayed by the English resultatives dead and to death (e.g. He shot the president dead; He stabbed the president to death). Until recently, however, the construction containing the prepositional resultative hasta la muerte was considered ungrammatical, a literal calque from English. Its attested presence in the Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual, albeit at low frequency levels, and its frequent occurrence nowadays in the Spanish mass media, clearly show that this construction is now making its way into the Spanish language

The object of this study is to test Meisel’s (2009) hypothesis that there is a sensitive phase in language acquisition that ends around age 4. Early L2 acquisition may therefore already show differences from L1 acquisition. To test this hypothesis, determiner production in the naturalistic speech of four successive bilingual Turkish-German children recorded during free-play situations was compared to that of monolingual German children discussed in the literature. The successive bilinguals had an age of onset of German between 3 and 4 years and were studied over a period of 20 months. Determiner production was examined because Turkish, as opposed to German, does not have an article system. Determiner omission and incorrect article use were considered. A clear difference emerged in determiner omission, but not in article misuse. After some initial variability in determiner production, determiner omission by the monolingual children was found to gradually fall below 10 per cent, while a plateau effect could be observed in the bilingual children. There was no clear evidence for article misuse in either the L1 or the child L2 data. Our findings about determiner omission suggest that early L2 acquisition differs from L1 acquisition. It is unclear, however, whether the child L2 learners will persist in omitting determiners from obligatory contexts, since data collection was ended while the children were still in the process of acquiring German

This investigation aims to uncover the variation of the Spanish second-person singular subject pronoun tú ‘you.sg’ when it displaces its content away from the particular circumstances of the speaker and changes its deictic meaning to a resource for the objectivization of the utterance. The multiple repercussions of the formal variation (expression and omission) of this subject on internal and external levels of meaning will be explored. Essential to understanding this case of variation is the consideration of prominent features of the communicative situation, as well as the social identities and roles assumed by the speakers within it (including professional affiliation, transactional vs. interpersonal communicative stance and gender). The results of the analysis allow us to sketch basic interactional and discursive tendencies governing objectivizing uses of the second-person singular tú along the oral-written continuum

Although even young infants were shown to have some understanding of (adjectival) scalarity, studies of children’s spontaneous speech suggest that the acquisition of scalar semantics may not yet be completed by the time children enter primary school. In the present study, this hypothesis is tested by investigating the comprehension of diminishers (‘a bit’) and consequential degree modifiers (‘too’) modifying relative adjectives (long, warm) in a group of 5-year-old Dutch-speaking children. Based on earlier production studies, it is hypothesized that by age 6 children are adult-like in their comprehension of ‘too’ and not yet target-like in the comprehension of ‘a bit’ modifying relative adjectives. The results of the comprehension experiment demonstrate that some children have already acquired the semantics of both ‘too’ and ‘a bit’, whereas others still have trouble understanding combinations of relative adjectives with each of these degree adverbs. Furthermore, poor comprehenders need more time to process sentences with ‘a bit’ compared to the same sentences with ‘too’, presumably revealing a greater conceptual complexity of diminishers. These findings are consistent with the idea that the acquisition of scalarity has a protracted time course

Since 1990, most of the South and East Slavic languages have independently adopted, to varying extents, English loanblend [N[N]] constructions, in which an English modifier noun is followed by a head noun that previously existed in the language, for example, Bulgarian ekšŭn geroi ‘action heroes’. This phenomenon is of particular interest from a morphosyntactic processing perspective, because the use of the English noun as a modifier without the addition of a Slavic adjectival suffix and agreement desinence is a violation of fundamental traditional principles of Slavic morphology and morphosyntax, and thus should pose considerable parsing challenges. Bulgarian has incorporated English loanblend [N[N]]’s particularly well into the standard language. In this article we argue that the high frequency, broad semantic range, and productivity of loanblend [N[N]]’s in Bulgarian are the direct result not of Bulgarian’s analytic case-marking system per se, but of preexisting construction types in the language