26 Non-verbal predication in Cuwabo (Bantu)
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Rozenn Guérois
Abstract
Cuwabo, a Bantu language spoken Central Mozambique, has a rich system of non-verbal predicative constructions which includes two verbal copulae (li and kála), a non-verbal class-inflected pro-copula (historically derived from demonstrative pronouns), predicative inflection through tone deletion, and predicative inflection involving the cliticization of subject indexes + copula a. Most copular constructions based on li and kála also imply predicative tone deletion on the following noun or adjective. Whereas verbal copulae may be used in all types of non-verbal predication, the other strategies appear in distinct (and often complementary) contexts. Overall, Cuwabo does not exclude or constrain the usage of a specific word class in predicative position. In addition to the most common semantic types of non-verbal predication – inclusion and identity, verbless clauses in Cuwabo also serve to convey typologically neglected types, such as quantification, possession, existence, location, and temporality. More particularly, Cuwabo has both plain-possessive predication (I have a knife) and inverse-possessive predication (the knife is mine). Distinction between plain- and inverse-locational predication is also relevant in the language. In addition to negating the copula verb li ‘be’, Cuwabo has two dedicated non-verbal negators, namely kahíyo ~ kahíye and ka-sp-hí=loc, both translated as ‘(there/it) is not’, but the latter is limited to the context of locational-existential predication.
Abstract
Cuwabo, a Bantu language spoken Central Mozambique, has a rich system of non-verbal predicative constructions which includes two verbal copulae (li and kála), a non-verbal class-inflected pro-copula (historically derived from demonstrative pronouns), predicative inflection through tone deletion, and predicative inflection involving the cliticization of subject indexes + copula a. Most copular constructions based on li and kála also imply predicative tone deletion on the following noun or adjective. Whereas verbal copulae may be used in all types of non-verbal predication, the other strategies appear in distinct (and often complementary) contexts. Overall, Cuwabo does not exclude or constrain the usage of a specific word class in predicative position. In addition to the most common semantic types of non-verbal predication – inclusion and identity, verbless clauses in Cuwabo also serve to convey typologically neglected types, such as quantification, possession, existence, location, and temporality. More particularly, Cuwabo has both plain-possessive predication (I have a knife) and inverse-possessive predication (the knife is mine). Distinction between plain- and inverse-locational predication is also relevant in the language. In addition to negating the copula verb li ‘be’, Cuwabo has two dedicated non-verbal negators, namely kahíyo ~ kahíye and ka-sp-hí=loc, both translated as ‘(there/it) is not’, but the latter is limited to the context of locational-existential predication.
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- List of the Authors V
- Acknowledgments
- Contents IX
- Crucial issues in non-verbal predication: A questionnaire 785
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Part II: Case studies
- 22 Non-verbal predication in Maltese 789
- 23 Non-verbal predication in Nilotic 829
- 24 Non-verbal predication in Cushitic 865
- 25 Non-verbal predication in Mandinka and other Mande languages 915
- 26 Non-verbal predication in Cuwabo (Bantu) 955
- 27 Non-verbal predication in Ju 993
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Austronesia, Papunesia, Australia
- 28 Non-verbal predicates in Oceanic languages 1021
- 29 Non-verbal predication in Formosan languages 1067
- 30 Non-verbal predication in three families of Papunesia: Teiwa, Tidore and Mian 1103
- 31 Non-verbal predication in Nungon 1143
- 32 Non-verbal predication in Ngumpin-Yapa languages (Australia) 1169
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Part III: Conclusion and prospects
- 33 Non-verbal predication: Results and perspectives 1213
- Subject index 1275
- Language index 1283
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- List of the Authors V
- Acknowledgments
- Contents IX
- Crucial issues in non-verbal predication: A questionnaire 785
-
Part II: Case studies
- 22 Non-verbal predication in Maltese 789
- 23 Non-verbal predication in Nilotic 829
- 24 Non-verbal predication in Cushitic 865
- 25 Non-verbal predication in Mandinka and other Mande languages 915
- 26 Non-verbal predication in Cuwabo (Bantu) 955
- 27 Non-verbal predication in Ju 993
-
Austronesia, Papunesia, Australia
- 28 Non-verbal predicates in Oceanic languages 1021
- 29 Non-verbal predication in Formosan languages 1067
- 30 Non-verbal predication in three families of Papunesia: Teiwa, Tidore and Mian 1103
- 31 Non-verbal predication in Nungon 1143
- 32 Non-verbal predication in Ngumpin-Yapa languages (Australia) 1169
-
Part III: Conclusion and prospects
- 33 Non-verbal predication: Results and perspectives 1213
- Subject index 1275
- Language index 1283
