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23 Non-verbal predication in Nilotic

  • Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
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Abstract

The Nilotic family belongs to the best-documented subgroups within the Nilo-Saharan phylum. A comparison of grammatical cognates in each of its three subgroups, Eastern Nilotic, Southern Nilotic, and Western Nilotic, makes it possible to investigate intragenetic divergence in the expression of non-verbal predication from a historical point of view. This grammatical domain revolves around identification, attribution, location, and possessive relations as major semantic types. The historical diversification involves the interaction of features associated with the formal expression of syntactic alignment, pronominal cross-reference marking on verbal and non-verbal predicates, the degree of syntactic configurationality, tense-aspect, the use of so-called “selective markers”, and pragmatic structures. Historical modifications in the formal expression of these features and their interaction also affected the structure of non-verbal predication, as becomes clear, for example, from the status of adjectival concepts in individual Nilotic languages. These range from the absence of adjectives as a lexical category in several Western Nilotic languages, and the corresponding extended use of verbal strategies, to their extensive presence as a category and their subsequent manifestation in non-verbal predication in Southern Nilotic Kalenjin. A second phenomenon pointing towards the key role played by the interaction of semantic features and their formal realization comes from the selective marking of noun phrases, whose presence signals the existence of a set of alternatives, thereby singling out one alternative for the entity referred to by a noun. Its presence plays a role in the conveyance of the difference between inclusive and identity predication, as in Southern Nilotic Kalenjin. Where selective markers were reinterpreted as number markers, as in some Eastern Nilotic languages, or as construct state markers, as in some Western Nilotic languages, this shift in feature value also had syntactic ramifications.

Abstract

The Nilotic family belongs to the best-documented subgroups within the Nilo-Saharan phylum. A comparison of grammatical cognates in each of its three subgroups, Eastern Nilotic, Southern Nilotic, and Western Nilotic, makes it possible to investigate intragenetic divergence in the expression of non-verbal predication from a historical point of view. This grammatical domain revolves around identification, attribution, location, and possessive relations as major semantic types. The historical diversification involves the interaction of features associated with the formal expression of syntactic alignment, pronominal cross-reference marking on verbal and non-verbal predicates, the degree of syntactic configurationality, tense-aspect, the use of so-called “selective markers”, and pragmatic structures. Historical modifications in the formal expression of these features and their interaction also affected the structure of non-verbal predication, as becomes clear, for example, from the status of adjectival concepts in individual Nilotic languages. These range from the absence of adjectives as a lexical category in several Western Nilotic languages, and the corresponding extended use of verbal strategies, to their extensive presence as a category and their subsequent manifestation in non-verbal predication in Southern Nilotic Kalenjin. A second phenomenon pointing towards the key role played by the interaction of semantic features and their formal realization comes from the selective marking of noun phrases, whose presence signals the existence of a set of alternatives, thereby singling out one alternative for the entity referred to by a noun. Its presence plays a role in the conveyance of the difference between inclusive and identity predication, as in Southern Nilotic Kalenjin. Where selective markers were reinterpreted as number markers, as in some Eastern Nilotic languages, or as construct state markers, as in some Western Nilotic languages, this shift in feature value also had syntactic ramifications.

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