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Reflections of Verbal Syntax in Nominalization and Adjectivization In Distributed Morphology (DM), morphology is seen as a reflection of syntactic processes and requirements. Since DM is an essentially syntax-based approach to word formation processes, and derivation in particular, it assumes the retention of original structure in a given process of derivation where a new form is created. For example, the structure for the verb integrate has to be contained within the structure for the derived noun integration. The question is what constitutes the structure of integrate , and to what extent it is preserved in the structure of the deverbal noun. Following Borer (2003) and Harley (in press), the analysis of the relationships between such related forms reveals important rules governing phrase structure in general. The paper focuses mainly on Polish nominalization and adjectivization data and sets it against similar investigations conducted on English (e. g., Harley in press). The aim of the analysis is to investigate whether the accounts proposed for languages such as English, in the spirit of DM, can be maintained for Polish. The results also add to the general discussion of what part of meaning, or interpretation, should be associated with the lexical root (i. e. lexicon), and what part is inherently structural or functional.

Czech Verbs of Motion and Cumulativity This paper describes the semantics of Czech verbs of motion. It examines predictions of the event-based accounts of plurality in the verbal domain (Krifka 1992; Kratzer 2005; van Geenhoven 2004) and applies it to Czech data. It connects morphological processes with the cumulativity and generic operators in semantics.

The Role of Functional Features in the Derivational Procedure: A New Account of the EPP-Effects, Case and Agreement In this paper, I propose an alternative account of feature checking/valuation based solely on categorial features. The main assumption is that lexical heads have an exclusively lexical feature matrix, whereas functional heads have an exclusively functional feature matrix. The next assumption is that only lexical features allow strictly local feature checking/valuation (i. e. under Agree); functional features, on the other hand, require a syntactic operation (Merge or Move) to check/value their functional features. Interaction between functional heads (Probes) and lexical ones (Goals) is made possible only via the mediating functional heads c-selecting the lexical ones (e. g. D selects N/NP, v selects V/VP). The mediating functional heads provide lexical heads/categories with a functional layer indispensable for "communication" with the functional Probes (as in Chomsky 1999: 9). The analysis proposed here accounts for the facts traditionally ascribed to the Extended Projection Principle (EPP). I show on the basis of English and Icelandic data that the EPP-effects result from categorial functional feature checking and cannot be reduced to either Case or agreement; rather, Case and agreement are intertwined in the processes of categorial feature checking/valuation and constitute their output, but crucially not their goal.

Partial Control is Trickier Than We Thought This paper discusses partial control, a notoriously intricate phenomenon. Brought to the linguistic limelight only recently (cf. Landau 2000), its bizarre nature renders it a real challenge to any theory of control. I contribute to the Agree vs. Move debate on control by making an empirical claim concerning cases of what I call Parasitic Partial Control Effects which are extremely problematic to Landau's Agree Theory of Control. To account for these facts, I propose a solution framed within the theory of control based on Move. Refining insights in Rodrigues (2007), I suggest that the licensing of the PC effect depends on the presence of the projection of woll P dominated by TP in the structure of the infinitive and the sideward movement of the DP controller from within the adjunct to the matrix. Thus, Landau's claim that partial control is licensed only in complements must be loosened (if not dropped).

Novel Words with Final Combining Forms in English. A Case for Blends in Word Formation Morphological theories that assume all word formation to consist in concatenation of morphemes run into difficulties stating the defining properties of the notion of final combining forms that can be used as constituents of novel words. The novel words under consideration are of two types: (a) nouns ending in forms like - ology, -ography, -ometer, -crat, -naut, -phile ; (b) nouns ending in forms like - (a)holic, -(a)thon. Forms of type (b) are only roughly identifiable due to their indeterminable size of segmental material. In this paper the notion of final combining form is called into question and ultimately rejected on the grounds that words allegedly built with final combining forms of type (b), when analysed within the theory of universal, ranked and violable constraints in its OO Correspondence version, conform to the defining properties of blends.

Representational Handling of Poznań-Cracow Voicing in Government Phonology This article discusses the problem of accounting for Poznań-Cracow voicing in Government Phonology. It is concluded that in order for the process to be handled representationally, Polish words beginning with non-obstruents would need to carry the element {L} as part of the melody at the leftmost skeletal slot. It is explained that although such a move would make a representational analysis of Poznań-Cracow Voicing straightforward, the presence of the element {L} on non-obstruents is against the tenets of the phonological model. The article is organised as follows. Section 1 presents a selection of voice phenomena in Polish. Section 2 introduces the basic concepts of Government Phonology relevant to the analysis. Section 3 summarises Gussmann's (2007) analysis of voice phenomena in Polish. Section 4 discusses the differences between Warsaw Polish and Poznań-Cracow Polish in terms of voice assimilation. Section 5 briefly summarises two earlier analyses of voice phenomena in Polish that account for Poznań-Cracow Voicing, namely Gussmann's (1992) SPE -type analysis of Segment-To-Consonant Spreading, and Rubach's (1996) Lexical Phonology (LP) analysis of Cracow Spread. Section 6 presents theoretical considerations of why these two analyses cannot be mechanically translated into GP theoretical machinery. The section also points to the limitations of Voice Adjustment with respect to Poznań-Cracow Voicing. Section 7 introduces the flawed idea of enriching the left edge of words with the element {L}, and provides an attempt at a representational analysis of Poznań-Cracow Voicing using the enriched representation. Section 8 discusses the limitations of the analysis, and proposes an alternative approach to the issue. Section 9 summarises the most important conclusions. 1

Linearization in Bare Prosodic Structure This paper defends the claim that the linear order of morphemes in words is determined by templates. Templates are defined as parametrized parsing rules over sets of CV syllables. The article addresses three potential challenges for this view: (i) templatic order may violate a certain interpretation of the Mirror Principle, (ii) templates (viewed as parametrized rules) are not immediately compatible with the view that parameters are set in the lexicon, and (iii) templates (viewed as phonological structure constraining the distribution of syntactic terminals) constitute a case of systematic look-ahead from syntax into phonology. With respect to (i) the paper argues that the Mirror Principle is a generalization over hierarchical, rather than linear order; concerning (ii), it presents inter-species comparative evidence suggesting that templatic ordering rules are learnable. (iii) is identified as a general property of morphological structure that needs to be addressed by any theory of the phonology-syntax interface. The paper presents a theory of parallel derivation that appears to be particularly well suited to this end.