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This study investigated the interplay of politicians’ perceptions regarding the political influence of leading newspapers and the mass media’s general impact on democracy. The scope of the study was restricted to democratic-corporatist media systems. We used comparative data of political elites ( N = 392; countries: Austria, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland) and assessed direct and indirect effects of their perceptions about national broadsheets’ political influence on the mass media’s perceived general impact on democracy. As expected, we found a positive direct effect regarding perceptions of the media’s role in democracy that corresponds with theories stressing the ‘guard-dog role’ of the quality press for political elites. However, we also found a negative indirect effect of perceived newspaper influence through perceptions of the media’s agenda-setting and career-controlling power. We argue that this effect can be explained by feelings of disempowerment among politicians. Arguably, perceived disempowerment causes criticism from political actors towards the media inasmuch as they feel constrained in the full exercise of their democratic functions.

Although most scholars agree that media exposure affects political trust, it is unclear which kind of media contents do so and how these effects come about. Personalized media coverage is especially suspected of having negative effects on political trust. In our study, we empirically analyze the relationship between exposure to personalized media contents, general trust, trust in journalistic assessment and trust in politicians using a model of moderated mediation. This model is tested in an online experiment exposing subjects to media stimuli which portray political actors in an unpersonalized, an individualized or a privatized way. Results indicate that only privatized media coverage causes negative effects on trust in politicians. However, recipients with low levels of general trust are not affected by either treatment, while subjects with high general trust levels lose trust in politicians when being exposed to privatized contents. Moreover, effects of privatized stimuli are mediated by trust in journalistic assessment, indicating a spiral of mistrust towards public institutions.

Visual depictions of politicians play an essential role in the impression formation of the audience because they convey visual cues and attributes related to, for example, likeability or competence. This study examines the subjective audience evaluations based on the visual portrayals of a politician by using Q methodology, a qualitative–quantitative approach of audience research. Q-sorts of 33 different pictures showing a high-ranking European politician, along with personal interviews, were used to probe the audience’s perception of a favorable or unfavorable picture. Q factor analysis yielded four groups of participants. The audience groups differ regarding their expectation toward favorably depicted political behavior and the involved balance of professional political leadership competences, social competences, and personality. In addition, technical and formal representation strategies were identified as important visual cues, but not for all audience groups.

Research on mobile technology adoption has focused predominantly on young adults, and little attention has been paid to older people. But with rapidly aging populations in most developed countries, and evidence from many studies that older adults are as capable of adopting and using mobile technology as everybody else, the academic, business and technology industry worlds are devoting more attention to this group. Research has already demonstrated that older people differ from young people in their perceptions, preferences and usage of mobile technology, but there are also differences within the older adults group regarding mobile technology adoption. Using data from a mobile phone survey, this study identifies segments of mobile phone users among older adults based on their attitudes towards mobile phones, and describes the underlying differences between these segments in terms of key values towards mobile phone communications, mobile phone use, and socio-demographics. The analysis led to the identification of three distinct segments, designated as “Apathetic”, “Social and hedonic” and “Busy and active”.

A nation-wide, in-process study of digital television adoption shows what happens to the innovation-decision period when there is a deadline for phasing-out obsolete technology and simultaneously introducing a new continuing technology. In studies without a deadline the innovation-decision period gets longer with time. In this study, with a deadline the innovation-decision period gets shorter with time. If there is a clear-cut date for discontinuing an analogue service and introducing a new continuing digital service, late adopters can act fast and adopt the new digital technology in time for a deadline. This is contrary to their normal behavior. In the classic diffusion research late adopters were both socially and communicatively isolated. It is suggested that today late adopters may be socially – but not communicatively – isolated.

The characteristics and scope of media concentration are of great concern to media and communication studies, especially in relation to media diversity and pluralism, considered key in democratic societies. However, to date, there have been few analyses of audiences’ knowledge of media ownership. This contribution explores knowledge of media ownership structures, and how it relates to media use and socio-demographics amongst a representative online sample of the Flemish population ( N = 1100). Findings reveal limited knowledge of ownership structures, with significant differences relating to gender, age, education and media consumption. The implications hereof are discussed from a perspective of democratic citizenship, political economy studies, media literacy studies and media literacy programs, and result in a call for more research into this specific area.