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Syntactic and lexical -ase- are distinct suffixes

  • Brent de Chene EMAIL logo
Veröffentlicht/Copyright: 21. September 2022
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Abstract

In addition to the syntactic (inflectional) causative suffix -(s)ase-, Japanese displays a lexical (derivational) causative suffix -(a)se- (okur-ase- ‘delay’, no-se- ‘place on’) whose a-zero alternation is general in the stem-level phonology. Because the UR of syntactic -(s)ase- must include the s of its postvocalic alternant, the two suffixes necessarily have distinct phonological forms; there is thus no way to treat them as “high attachment” and “low attachment” versions of a single element. The division of labor between syntactic -(s)ase- and lexical -(a)se- invites the conclusion that no causative suffix is syntactic in some cases and lexical in others; if so, causatives pose no challenge to the position that while Japanese inflectional morphology is the phonological realization of syntactic representations, derivational morphology involves lexical listing of stems. The conclusion that there is no causative suffix that spans the syntactic/lexical boundary is validated by showing that forms that have been taken in the literature as exemplifying lexical -(s)ase- are in fact either lexical -(a)se- or syntactic -(s)ase-. As part of this demonstration, it is shown that, with minor exceptions, verb stems in -ase- have arisen as variants of pre-existing stems in -as-, and an explanation for this ongoing process of replacement is proposed.


Corresponding author: Brent de Chene, Waseda University (emeritus), Tokyo, Japan, E-mail:

Acknowledgments

For native speaker judgments, I am indebted to Sachiko Fujii, Takayuki Fujii, Yuji Nishiyama, Masanobu Sorida, Yoko Sugioka, and Hideaki Suzuki. I also thank Yoko Sugioka for discussion of some of the material of Section 4.2. Finally, I am indebted to two reviewers for comments that have led to many improvements; remaining errors are my responsibility.

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Received: 2021-02-08
Accepted: 2021-09-09
Published Online: 2022-09-21
Published in Print: 2022-11-25

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Heruntergeladen am 28.11.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/jjl-2022-2058/pdf
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