Chapter 2. Exempt anaphors and logophoricity in French
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Isabelle Charnavel
Abstract
The goal of this paper is to account for instances of anaphors that appear to be exempt from Condition A, based on the French anaphors son propre (‘his own’) and lui-même (≈ ‘himself’). Drawing on specific tests, I show that such anaphors must be anteceded by logophoric centers, specifically either by attitude holders or by empathy loci. This generalization is explained if we suppose the existence of silent logophoric operators that corefer with the antecedent and locally bind the anaphor: apparently exempt anaphors are in fact not exempt. This accounts for why they have the same form as anaphors standardly obeying Condition A: they are one and the same element. Their specific distribution and interpretation derives from their silent logophoric binder.
Abstract
The goal of this paper is to account for instances of anaphors that appear to be exempt from Condition A, based on the French anaphors son propre (‘his own’) and lui-même (≈ ‘himself’). Drawing on specific tests, I show that such anaphors must be anteceded by logophoric centers, specifically either by attitude holders or by empathy loci. This generalization is explained if we suppose the existence of silent logophoric operators that corefer with the antecedent and locally bind the anaphor: apparently exempt anaphors are in fact not exempt. This accounts for why they have the same form as anaphors standardly obeying Condition A: they are one and the same element. Their specific distribution and interpretation derives from their silent logophoric binder.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Foreword ix
- Chapter 1. Modality, presupposition and discourse 1
- Chapter 2. Exempt anaphors and logophoricity in French 15
- Chapter 3. What’s up with dative experiencers? 29
- Chapter 4. Aktionsart and event modification in Spanish adjectival passives 49
- Chapter 5. Revising the canon 63
- Chapter 6. Hiatus resolution in L1 and L2 Spanish 79
- Chapter 7. Recursion in Brazilian Portuguese complex compounds 97
- Chapter 8. Locality constraints on θ-theory 111
- Chapter 9. Does gender agreement carry a production cost? 127
- Chapter 10. TP ellipsis with polarity particles 141
- Chapter 11. Circumventing ɸ-minimality 159
- Chapter 12. Epistemic uses of the verb decir in La Paz Spanish 185
- Chapter 13. Oral Portuguese in Maputo from a diachronic perspective 199
- Chapter 14. Structural approaches to code-switching 213
- Chapter 15. When a piece of phonology becomes a piece of syntax 235
- Chapter 16. Presence of the voiced labiodental fricative segment [v] in Texas Spanish 259
- Index 275
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Foreword ix
- Chapter 1. Modality, presupposition and discourse 1
- Chapter 2. Exempt anaphors and logophoricity in French 15
- Chapter 3. What’s up with dative experiencers? 29
- Chapter 4. Aktionsart and event modification in Spanish adjectival passives 49
- Chapter 5. Revising the canon 63
- Chapter 6. Hiatus resolution in L1 and L2 Spanish 79
- Chapter 7. Recursion in Brazilian Portuguese complex compounds 97
- Chapter 8. Locality constraints on θ-theory 111
- Chapter 9. Does gender agreement carry a production cost? 127
- Chapter 10. TP ellipsis with polarity particles 141
- Chapter 11. Circumventing ɸ-minimality 159
- Chapter 12. Epistemic uses of the verb decir in La Paz Spanish 185
- Chapter 13. Oral Portuguese in Maputo from a diachronic perspective 199
- Chapter 14. Structural approaches to code-switching 213
- Chapter 15. When a piece of phonology becomes a piece of syntax 235
- Chapter 16. Presence of the voiced labiodental fricative segment [v] in Texas Spanish 259
- Index 275
