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The emergence of oblique subjects

Identifiable processes in the history of Icelandic
  • Sigridur Saeunn Sigurdardottir und Thórhallur Eythórsson
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Historical Linguistics 2022
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch Historical Linguistics 2022

Abstract

Predicate-specific oblique subjects have emerged throughout the history of Icelandic. The novel contribution of this paper is spelling out the precise mechanisms of the changes. We focus on three general processes: Oblique-Case Substitution (OCS), Case-Preserving Anticausativization (CPA) and Argument Swapping (ARS). OCS involves morphosyntactic leveling targeting experiencer predicates, causing nominative experiencer subjects to be replaced by oblique ones. CPA is a special kind of anticausativization, where the oblique case of the object of a transitive verb matches the case of the subject of the corresponding anticausative, resulting in an oblique-subject construction. Finally, ARS involves a reanalysis of an object as a subject. The oblique subject in dative-nominative structures, in particular with st-predicates (‘middles’), arose through ARS from earlier nominative-dative structures, motivated by the animacy of the dative.

Abstract

Predicate-specific oblique subjects have emerged throughout the history of Icelandic. The novel contribution of this paper is spelling out the precise mechanisms of the changes. We focus on three general processes: Oblique-Case Substitution (OCS), Case-Preserving Anticausativization (CPA) and Argument Swapping (ARS). OCS involves morphosyntactic leveling targeting experiencer predicates, causing nominative experiencer subjects to be replaced by oblique ones. CPA is a special kind of anticausativization, where the oblique case of the object of a transitive verb matches the case of the subject of the corresponding anticausative, resulting in an oblique-subject construction. Finally, ARS involves a reanalysis of an object as a subject. The oblique subject in dative-nominative structures, in particular with st-predicates (‘middles’), arose through ARS from earlier nominative-dative structures, motivated by the animacy of the dative.

Heruntergeladen am 15.9.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/cilt.369.14sig/html
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