Startseite Linguistik & Semiotik Eliminating factivity from syntax
Kapitel
Lizenziert
Nicht lizenziert Erfordert eine Authentifizierung

Eliminating factivity from syntax

Sentential complements in Hungarian
  • Carlos de Cuba und Barbara Ürögdi
Weitere Titel anzeigen von John Benjamins Publishing Company
Approaches to Hungarian
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch Approaches to Hungarian

Abstract

This paper contributes to the ongoing discussion on the syntax and semantics of object clauses. Using data from Hungarian and English, we claim that ‘factivity’ is a lexico-semantic concept without a direct correlate in syntax. Instead, we propose that ‘referentiality’ is the feature that differentiates a simple [CP] (the syntactic realization of a proposition) from a more complex [cP[CP]] (encoding a speech act). We support this analysis by looking at the interpretation of sentential embedding constructions and the distribution of clausal expletives in Hungarian. Our account allows us to appeal to the referential property of CP to explain wh-extraction patterns (i.e. the ‘factive island’ effect), as well as syntactic and semantic constraints on wh-expletive constructions.

Abstract

This paper contributes to the ongoing discussion on the syntax and semantics of object clauses. Using data from Hungarian and English, we claim that ‘factivity’ is a lexico-semantic concept without a direct correlate in syntax. Instead, we propose that ‘referentiality’ is the feature that differentiates a simple [CP] (the syntactic realization of a proposition) from a more complex [cP[CP]] (encoding a speech act). We support this analysis by looking at the interpretation of sentential embedding constructions and the distribution of clausal expletives in Hungarian. Our account allows us to appeal to the referential property of CP to explain wh-extraction patterns (i.e. the ‘factive island’ effect), as well as syntactic and semantic constraints on wh-expletive constructions.

Heruntergeladen am 24.9.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/atoh.11.03cub/html
Button zum nach oben scrollen