Argues that institutional context drives economic globalization in the United States and Britain.

Has globalization fundamentally altered international relations, producing a race to the bottom in which states compete for economic growth and development by adopting similar liberal economic strategies? Mediating Globalization challenges this increasingly dominant perspective, demonstrating that national governments often respond to global competitive pressures with more, not less, economic intervention. Using interviews, archival research, and secondary sources, Andrew P. Cortell explores the strategies adopted by the United States and Britain with regard to one of the world's most globalized sectors, the semiconductor industry. From the early 1970s through the mid-1990s, he argues, increasing globalization pressures in each country led them to more actively intervene in the evolution of their semiconductor markets, rather than assume a more marginal role. The empirical evidence, moreover, indicates that the two countries adopted similar responses, whether liberal or interventionist, as a consequence of similar domestic institutional incentives rather than constraints identified to emerge from globalization.

Examines how national interest groups respond to the international pressures of globalization.

Globalizing Interests is an innovative study of globalization "from inside," looking at the reaction of nationally constituted interest groups to challenges produced by the denationalization process. The contributors focus on business associations, trade unions, civil rights organizations, and right-wing populists from Canada, Germany, Great Britain, and the United States, and examine how they have responded to three extremely globalized issue areas: the Internet, migration, and climate change. What they find is that "the politics of denationalization" is a new game with new rules, new teams, and surprisingly broad support for governance beyond the nation state.

Christopher Hemmer offers a model for how U.S. decision makers use the lessons of history to diagnose and make policy choices.

As policy makers turn to the lessons of history, to which lessons will they turn? This book offers a model of the analogical reasoning process that helps answer the important question of why some historical analogies are seen as relevant for later decisions, while others are ignored. It explores the previously neglected possibility that analogies can do more than simply advance the pre-existing interests of decision makers, but can also determine the very interests policy makers seek to further. The usefulness of this approach in impacting the lessons of history is demonstrated by examining American policy toward Iran concerning American hostages from 1979 to 1987, detailing both the Carter administration's policy during the Hostage Crisis and the Reagan administration's policy that resulted in the Iran-Contra Affair.

Examines how globalization and the environment are connected issues.

This groundbreaking study brings together economic globalization and the environment as never before. Gabriela Kütting argues for an "eco-holistic" approach that merges social, political, economic, and environmental analysis, so that a globalizing political economy may be understood in relation to environmental and social concerns. Key to this merging are the historical dimension of environmental-societal relations, the concept of consumption, and the concept of equity. To illustrate the utility of the eco-holistic approach, Kütting draws out the linkages between social and environmental degradation in West Africa, environmental and economic policies in the North, and the shopping habits of individual consumers, using cotton agriculture and the globalizing political economy of textiles as a case study.

Explores the role of international institutions in reducing conflict in multiethnic societies.

How can conflicts between various nationalist/ethnic groups be reduced? Combining theory with case studies of Spain and Ireland, Neal G. Jesse and Kristen P. Williams develop an argument favoring a solution that links resolving issues of identity and perceptions of inequality to the establishment of cross-national, democratic institutions. These institutions can affect deeply held attitudes by promoting overlapping identities and pooling sovereignty. Overlapping identities reduce tension by creating an atmosphere where different ethnic groups lose their strict definitions of Self and Other. Pooling sovereignty across a number of international (and national) representative bodies leads to increased access to governmental policymaking for all parties involved, with each nationalist/ethnic group having a stake in government. Increased access, moreover, reduces threat perceptions and ethnic security dilemmas, and increases trust-all of which play an important role in overcoming such conflicts.

The impact of internet technologies on international politics.

Technology, Development, and Democracy examines the growing role of the Internet in international affairs, from a source of mostly officially sanctioned information, to a venue where knowledge is often merged with political propaganda, rhetoric and innuendo. The Internet not only provides surfers with up-to-the-minute stories, including sound and visual images, and opportunities to interact with one another and experts on international issues, but also enables anyone with access to a computer, modem, and telephone line to influence international affairs directly. What does this portend for the future of international politics? The contributors respond by providing theoretical perspectives and empirical analyses for understanding the impact of the communications revolution on international security, the world political economy, human rights, and gender relations. Internet technologies are evaluated as sources of change or continuity, and as contributors to either conflict or cooperation among nations. While the Internet and its related technologies hold no greater, certain prospect for positive change than previous technological advances, they arguably do herald significant advances for democracy, the democratization process, and international peace.

A critical look at the image of human nature that underlies the realist theory of international relations.

The realist theory of international relations is based on a particularly gloomy set of assumptions about universal human motives. Believing people to be essentially asocial, selfish, and untrustworthy, realism counsels a politics of distrust and competition in the international arena. What Moves Man subjects realism to a broad and deep critique. Freyberg-Inan argues, first, that realist psychology is incomplete and suffers from a pessimistic bias. Second, she explains how this bias systematically undermines both realist scholarship and efforts to promote international cooperation and peace. Third, she argues that realism's bias has a tendency to function as a self-fulfilling prophecy: it nurtures and promotes the very behaviors it assumes predominate human nature. Freyberg-Inan concludes by suggesting how a broader and more complex view of human motivation would deliver more complete explanations of international behavior, reduce the risk of bias, and better promote practical progress in the conduct of international affairs.

Examines cooperation and conflict over water in the Middle East.

This book examines the politics of water scarcity in the Middle East's Jordan River Basin (Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel, and the Palestinian Authority) between 1920 and 2006. Jeffrey K. Sosland demonstrates that while water scarcity might generate political tension, it does not by itself precipitate war, nor is it likely to do so. At the same time, efforts to promote water cooperation, such as those initiated by the United States, have an identifiable political benefit by creating rules, building confidence, and reducing tensions among adversaries. Sosland concludes that while this alone might not resolve the overall conflict, it does create positive long-term value in achieving peace.

Looks at alternatives to international financial institutions such as the IMF and World Bank.

Debating the Global Financial Architecture opens up the contemporary debate surrounding the reform of the "global financial architecture." Economists and political scientists explore the economic and technical content of alternative global financial regimes as well as the political processes through which such changes are negotiated. The contributors, though diverse, jointly fear that rapid removal of the remaining controls on private international financial transactions risks systematic crisis. By initiating a cross-disciplinary discussion, they hope to see the politics of global financial design examined more honestly, yet without discarding or devaluing a solid economic analysis of global money and investment flows.

Demonstrates that world politics is more complex than conventional models can account for.

Despite one hundred years of theorizing, scholars and practitioners alike are constantly surprised by international and global political events. The collapse of communism in Europe, the 1997 Asian financial crisis, and 9/11 have demonstrated the inadequacy of current models that depict world politics as a simple, mechanical system. Complexity in World Politics shows how conventional theories oversimplify reality and illustrates how concepts drawn from complexity science can be adapted to increase our understanding of world politics and improve policy. In language free of jargon, the book's distinguished contributors explain and illustrate a complexity paradigm of world politics and define its central concepts. They show how these concepts can improve conventional models as well as generate new ideas, hypotheses, and empirical approaches, and conclude by outlining an agenda of theoretical development and empirical research to create and test complex systems theories of issue-areas of world politics.

Explores the limits of economic liberalization within the European Union.

As economic competition is introduced into areas formerly served by public sector monopolies, to what extent do governments lose discretion over their use of the public sector? States of Liberalization examines the impact of the European Union's rigorous single-market competition policy on the abilities of Western European governments to use the public sector to achieve political objectives. Examining several politically contentious sectors, including government purchasing of goods and services, postal services, and public sector financial institutions, Mitchell P. Smith explores and explains the scope and the limits of this transformation. While European economic integration and the application of European Community competition policy have substantially infused competition into public services, the process has been more modest, and more deliberate, than a simple reading of Europe's potent market-making mechanisms would predict.

Examines the growing power of nongovernmental organizations by looking at UN World Conferences.

Sovereignty, Democracy, and Global Civil Society explores the growing power of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) by analyzing a microcosm of contemporary global state-society relations at UN World Conferences. The intense interactions between states and NGOs at conferences on the environment, human rights, women's issues, and other topics confirm the emergence of a new transnational democratic sphere of activity. Employing both regional and global case studies, the book charts noticeable growth in the ability of NGOs to build networks among themselves and effect change within UN processes. Using a multidimensional understanding of state sovereignty, the authors find that states use sovereignty to shelter not only material interests but also cultural identity in the face of external pressure. This book is unique in its analysis of NGO activities at the international level as well as the complexity of nation-states' responses to their new companions in global governance.

Examines the negotiations between nations that lead to international agreements regulating human activity in outer space.

Neither rational choice theory, with its emphasis on interest calculation, nor sociological institutionalist theory, with its emphasis on identity-defined rule following, indicates how governments determine which of their multiple interests or identities are at stake in a particular situation or how they develop mutual comprehension of each other's goals. International Regimes for the Final Frontier addresses these gaps by tracing how governments approach an unfamiliar issue-in this case, international agreements regulating human activity in outer space between 1958 and 1988-and examines three ways situation definitions channel governments' approaches to issues or problems.

Argues that international relations ought to be anchored in realistic models of human decision making.

The field of international relations is only now beginning to take notice of cognitive models of decision making. Arguing against the trend of adopting formalistic depictions of human choice, Berejikian suggests that international relations and realistic models of human decision making go hand-in-hand. The result is a set of interconnected propositions that provide compelling new insights into state behavior. Utilizing this framework, he discusses the behavior of the United States and Europe in negotiating the Montreal Protocol, a landmark international agreement designed to save the earth's protective ozone shield.

Examines the nature of international economic leadership since the seventeenth century.

While other studies of international leadership have looked at a variety of measures to predict behavior, this book demonstrates that the key factor is international finance. J. Samuel Barkin uses an innovative blend of rationalist and constructivist methodologies, approaches to international political economy that normally exist in isolation from one another. Barkin argues that the level of a country's involvement in international finance specifically motivates it to lead. This is particularly relevant today, given the on-going discussions on how to respond to local and global financial crises. Barkin illustrates his theory with an episodic history of international monetary leadership over the last four centuries: Dutch leadership in the seventeenth century; British leadership in the nineteenth; the failure of leadership in the interwar era and Great Depression; and the role of the U.S. in the construction of an international economic infrastructure since World War II.

Explores the connections between globalization and democratization in Colombia.

Through the lens of global capitalism theory, William Avilés examines democratization and civil-military relations in Colombia to explain how social and international forces led to the ostensibly contradictory outcome of democratic and economic reform coinciding with political repression. Focusing on the administrations in power from 1990 to the present, Avilés argues that the reduction in the institutional powers of the military within the state reflected changes in the structure of the global economy, the emergence of globalizing technocrats and politicians, and shifts in U.S. foreign policy strategies toward "democracy promotion." These same factors explain Colombia's establishment of a low-intensity democracy-a structure of elite rule in which the strategies of coercion (state and para-state repression) and consensus (competitive elections, civilian control over the military) maintain control and legitimacy. In the age of capitalist globalization, a low-intensity democracy is most concomitant with neoliberalism, establishing the political and economic environment most suitable to the investments of transnational corporations.

Applies the concept of space to international relations to arrive at novel interpretations.

This collection brings together an unusually distinguished and diverse group of theorists of global politics, political geography, and international political economy who reflect on the concept of political space. Already familiar to political geographers, the concept of political space has lately received increased attention, arising out of the need for new ways of thinking about and describing the actors, structures, and processes that shape politics and patterns of governance in today's complex, post-Cold War world. The essays explore the frontiers of the field of global politics, and each deals imaginatively with some aspect of political space. Although the participants may be loosely classified as realists, neo-realists, constructivists, and postinternationalists, the essays are not fitted to the usual theoretical pigeonholes. What they do share is a continued faith in empirical research, and a collective sense of discovery.

Examines the politics of transnational water resource management through case studies of the Aral Sea basin and the Danube, Euphrates, and Mekong river basins.

As the governance of transboundary rivers becomes a subject of growing importance due to the increasing pressure on freshwater resources, this timely collection examines water scarcity and efforts to better manage rivers and river basins. Most specialists agree that states face many institutional inadequacies when dealing with shared resources and that new governance mechanisms are needed to improve water management. Using case studies of the Aral Sea basin and the Danube, Euphrates, and Mekong river basins, the contributors develop a new approach to water governance: the concept of multi-governance, an effort to collectively solve public problems by involving a series of relevant actors from the local to the global level, such as institutions, states, civil society, and business.

Uses Heidegger's philosophy to critique and remedy "world order thinking" in international politics.

In a call to planetary thinking, planetary building, and planetary dwelling, Norman K. Swazo discusses Heidegger's thought as it relates to issues of global politics, specifically, the domain of world order studies. In the first division of the book, Swazo provides a theoretical critique of world order studies understood in the two modes of normative and technocratic futurism. The book's second division includes a preliminary attempt to clarify what Heidegger's call for "essential thinking" entails for political thinking. This signifies a new beginning for political discourse, heralded in the possibility of "essential political thinking" that Swazo calls "autarchology."

A path-breaking look at the international response to ozone depletion and climate change.

Matthew J. Hoffmann explores the fundamental question of who should participate in the global response to ozone depletion and climate change. Blending social constructivist theory with insights from the study of complex adaptive systems, Hoffmann develops a unique framework for understanding the emergence and evolution of participation norms, which define the appropriate global response and shape how states have perceived the problems, defined their interests and strategies, and pursued governance. The explanation is rigorously developed through an innovative combination of formal analysis and in-depth empirical case studies. Agent-based computer simulation modeling is employed to explore essential norm dynamics, analysis that is complemented and extended by process-tracing case studies that examine governance activities from 1986 through 2003. The result provides the understanding necessary for improving global responses to environmental problems.

Argues that leaders sometimes promote international conflicts to keep their own military politically divided.

It has long been assumed that leaders engage in international conflict to unify their followers-what is often called the "rally 'round the flag" hypothesis. Despite its intuitive appeal, however, this hypothesis does not always provide a compelling explanation of the relationship between domestic politics and international conflict. In United We Stand? Aaron Belkin shows that in one important realm, civil-military relations, leaders often prefer divisiveness over cohesion. When they feel domestically vulnerable, leaders use international conflict in order to create and exacerbate rivalries among their own military forces to lower the risk of a coup and to contribute to the consolidation and stability of the political order. Case studies include post-Soviet Georgia and Syria.

Examines the possibilities of global governance in the wake of the challenges of globalization.

Many years ago, John Gerard Ruggie coined the phrase "embedded liberalism" to describe the grand post-1945 political compromise between free-market liberalism and domestic political interventionism that stabilized the multilateral economic order. In Global Liberalism and Political Order, leading scholars of political economy and international relations assess the challenges facing today's increasingly interdependent world as globalization redefines the old political order. They address the unraveling and/or reinvention of a grand compromise in global governance from a variety of theoretical perspectives and issue areas, including trade, finance, networked governance, North-South relations, and the environment. Focusing on the foundations of political authority at the global level, the contributors imagine the implications of success or failure for international economic order and political stability. Ruggie, whose work inspired many of this book's scholars, contributes a chapter on the prospects for a new global-as opposed to international-grand bargain.

Examines how and why great powers act to defuse ethnic conflict within small powers.

Powerful nations have often assumed a leadership role in international relations by becoming involved in ethnic conflict arising within small states. Recently however, their willingness to do so, at least unilaterally, has diminished. This study focuses on why and how powerful nations have acted together to dampen or forestall the expansion of small state conflicts while limiting potential risks to themselves. Employing a case-study method, Barry H. Steiner distinguishes between two types of collective preventive diplomacy, the insulationist and the interventionist. In the former, powerful nations are motivated to contain small power conflict in order to preserve their relations with other powerful nations. In the latter, they act to settle conflict between the small power antagonists themselves.

Argues the state and not markets should be the center of analysis when attempting to explain international cooperation.

Challenging the standard liberal explanations for international cooperation in the field of international relations, this book contends that despite numerous efforts and the passage of time, our understanding of the cooperative phenomenon remains woefully inadequate. Sterling-Folker argues that widespread explanatory reliance on what constitutes functionally efficient choices in global interdependence is deductively illogical and empirically unsound. The author's approach for explaining international cooperation is comprised of realist and constructivist insights and places the state, rather than the market, at the center of analysis. A thorough examination of Post-Bretton Woods American monetary policy-making reveals the fundamental flaws of traditional explanations and the superiority of a realist-constructivist alternative to the cooperative phenomenon.

Explains why military interventions with humanitarian goals consistently fail.

Why does political conflict seem to consistently interfere with attempts to provide aid, end ethnic discord, or restore democracy? To answer this question, Agency and Ethics examines how the norms that originally motivate an intervention often create conflict between the intervening powers, outside powers, and the political agents who are the victims of the intervention. Three case studies are drawn upon to illustrate this phenomena: the British and American intervention in Bolshevik Russia in 1918; the British and French intervention in Egypt in 1956; and the American and United Nations intervention in Somalia in 1993. Although rarely categorized together, these three interventions shared at least one strong commonality: all failed to achieve their professed goals, with the troops being ignominiously recalled in each example. Lang concludes by addressing the dilemma of how to resolve complex humanitarian emergencies in the twenty-first century without the necessity of resorting to military intervention.

Examines the troubled modern nation–state and reflects on the "end" of authority, sovereignty, and national security, and the implications of that end in the coming decades.

After Authority offers an overview of the evolving international political "revolution," a historical perspective based on Lipschutz's writings over the years. It also examines the prospects for war and peace in the twenty-first century. During earlier "industrial revolutions," long-standing and apparently stable patterns of social behavior, economic exchange, and political authority came under challenge. Today, post World War Two institutions that were formed to create a peaceful, economically-prosperous world, are under severe challenge by globalization, liberalization, and social innovation. Old hierarchies of power and wealth have been undermined as people take advantage of new economic and political opportunities, and the resulting disruption of expectations leads to fear, uncertainty, instability, and violence.

Recounts and evaluates the worldwide effort to ban landmines.

An impressive array of activists, scholars, government officials, journalists, and landmine victims themselves are gathered here to tell the dramatic and inspiring story of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL). Organized in the early 1990s, the ICBL is a network of more than one thousand nongovernmental organizations worldwide, working for a global ban on landmines. It was an important force behind the treaty to ban antipersonnel landmines that was signed in Ottawa in 1997, and which led to its being awarded the 1997 Nobel Peace Prize, along with its coordinator.

Argues that increasing levels of transparency do not always change international politics for the better.

While the trend toward greater transparency will bring many benefits, Kristin M. Lord argues that predictions that it will lead inevitably to peace, understanding, and democracy are wrong. The conventional view is of authoritarian governments losing control over information thanks to technology, the media, and international organizations, but there is a darker side, one in which some of the same forces spread hatred, conflict, and lies. In this book, Lord discusses the complex implications of growing transparency, paying particular attention to the circumstances under which transparency's effects are negative. Case studies of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and the government of Singapore's successful control of information are included.

Makes the perhaps surprising argument that in the last quarter of the twentieth century the Arab-Israeli conflict has been winding down.

The Middle East conflict, be it between the state of Israel and Arab states or between Jews and Palestinians, is a staple of international news. Utilizing both theoretical approaches and empirical evidence, Hemda Ben-Yehuda and Shmuel Sandler argue that despite the recent upswing in violence, particularly over the Palestinian issue, conflict has gradually been giving way, since the 1970s, to a more orderly regime of conflict management. By integrating ethnonational theoretical literature into their analysis, the authors move beyond the current International Relations debate over the relative merits of realist/neo-realist approaches versus neo-liberal-institutional approaches. Ethnic-state disputes are the primary source for failing to terminate the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Examines the interrelation between technology and international politics since the nineteenth century.

During an era in which the pace of technological change is unrelenting, understanding how international politics both shapes and is shaped by technology is crucial. Drawing on international relations theory, historical sociology, and the history of technology, Geoffrey L. Herrera offers an ambitious, theoretically sophisticated, and historically rich examination of the interrelation between technology and international politics. He explores the development of the railroad in the nineteenth century and the atomic bomb in the twentieth century to show that technologies do not stand apart from, but are intimately related to, even defined by, international politics.

Explores issues of political identity and the social changes that ended apartheid in South Africa.

Political Identity and Social Change builds upon the constructivist theory of political identity to explore the social changes that accompanied the end of apartheid in South Africa. To gain a better understanding of how structures of identity changed along with the rest of South Africa's institutions, Frueh analyzes three social and political conflicts: the Soweto uprisings of 1976, the reformist constitutional debates of 1983–1984, and post-apartheid crime. Analyzing these conflicts demonstrates how identity labels function as structures of social discourse, how social activity is organized through these structures, and how both the labels and their power have changed during the course of South Africa's transition. In this way, the book contributes not only to the study of South African society, but also provides lessons about the relationship between identity and social change.

Examines how information technologies may be shifting power and authority away from the state.

Returning to the fundamentals of political science, namely power and governance, this book studies the relationship between information technologies and global politics. Key issue-areas are carefully examined: security (including information warfare and terrorism); global consumption and production; international telecommunications; culture and identity formation; human rights; humanitarian assistance; the environment; and biotechnology. Each demonstrates the validity of the view now prevalent within international relations research-the shifting of power and the locus of authority away from the state. Three major conclusions are offered. First, the nation-state must now confront, support, or coexist with other international actors: non-governmental and intergovernmental organizations; multinational corporations; transnational social movements; and individuals. Second, our understanding of instrumental and structural powers must be reconfigured to account for digital information technologies. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, information technologies are now reconstituting actor identities and issues.

Explores the impact of globalization on the conduct of international affairs.

This volume studies the links among the concepts of globalization, security, and the authority of the nation state, drawing attention to why and how these three concepts are interrelated and why they should be studied together. Contributors explore the connections between security and global transformations, and the corresponding or resulting changes in state structures that emerge. Probing and extending existing paradigms, the book offers three regional cases studies: the periphery states of the Middle East and North Africa, the second world states of the Russian Federation, and the core states of the European Union. It concludes with three chapters that synthesize the above themes to identify corresponding changes in the patterns of international politics.

Argues for new water policies in the Nile River Basin.

Human demand for water resources is rising at an alarming rate in response to rapid population growth, rival development requirements, and the depletion of ecological resources. In this book, Okbazghi Yohannes examines the various facets of the competition for water resources among the ten Nile River Basin countries as they compete to harness the river's resources for purposes of irrigation-based agriculture and hydropower-based industrialization. Through a careful investigation of the rival states' strategies to capture greater shares of water resources, Yohannes assesses the lasting impact on the watershed ecology in the basin and on the hydrological demand of the river itself. He proposes the formation of a radically different water regime to address the looming demographic crisis, the stark regional food insecurity, and the region's collapsing hydro-ecology. This book shows how the effort to construct a regional water regime cannot be separated from the necessity to construct an ecologically sustainable internal water regime in each co-basin state, particularly in terms of ecological resources conservation and ecosystem services protection.

Groundbreaking empirical study of voting by resident aliens in established democracies.

In this groundbreaking study, David C. Earnest analyzes why democracies give noncitizens the right to vote. Bringing together theoretical debates in international relations and comparative politics about globalization, sovereignty, nationalism, citizenship, and state building, he examines how twenty-five democracies are coping with growing populations of immigrants who increasingly demand political rights. Earnest employs statistical analyses, along with case studies, to uncover surprising facts-that national courts are not necessarily progressive and that the left-right differences of political parties disguise intriguing coalitions that may either welcome or marginalize immigrants. The author concludes that rather than undermining the rights of citizens, the enfranchisement of noncitizens reflects shared national myths. In this respect, when faced with growing migration, old nations welcome new voters in ways that reinforce the bond between the nation and state.

Examines the domestic constraints negotiators operate under when nations seek to cooperate.

During international bargaining, who gets the better deal, and why, is one of the questions at the heart of the study of international cooperation. In Who Gets What? Áslaug Ásgeirsdóttir analyzes seven agreements signed throughout a twenty-year span between Iceland and Norway to allocate shared fish stocks. While the Law of the Sea regime provides specific solution concepts for negotiators, it does not dictate the final outcome. Looking at the actual negotiation process and the political and economic constraints negotiators operate under, Ásgeirsdóttir examines how domestic interest groups can directly influence the negotiating process, and thus affect international agreements over scarce resources. Who Gets What? demonstrates empirically that a nation with more domestic constraints on its negotiators gets a better deal.

An insider's account of the UN Security Council in the years immediately after the end of the Cold War.

From an insider's perspective, Juergen Dedring offers a systematic overview of the work of the United Nations Security Council following the end of the Cold War. He explores the nature of the Security Council's decision-making process and its transformation as a result of the basic learning taking place among its fifteen members and other participants on the one hand, and the challenges presented by a constantly changing world on the other. He examines the increasing transparency of the Council's political process and the increased participation of nonmember states and organizations. Discussions of numerous agenda items and thematic issues not usually covered by the media are included, along with case studies of situations in the occupied Arab territories, Tajikistan, and Sierra Leone. Dedring argues that the Security Council, whose purpose is to maintain international peace and security, has not only continued to perform its charter-based function, but has also experienced a phase of resurgence and renewal that has been effective in changing the Council's role in the center of the global system.

Essays on the early disciplinary history of international relations.

What were the guiding themes of the discipline of International Relations before World War II? The traditional disciplinary history has long viewed this time period as one guided by idealism and then challenged by realism. This book reconstructs in detail some of the formative episodes of the field's early development and arrives at the conclusion that, in actuality, the early years of International Relations were preoccupied not with idealism and realism but with the dual themes of imperialism and internationalism. Thus, the beginnings of the discipline have resonance with the recently revived discourse of empire and the global status and policies of the United States as the world's sole superpower.

Explores the limits of Kantian approaches to the study of international affairs.

Global Limits challenges both the current proliferation of Kantian readings of international affairs and the theoretical foundation Kant is presumed to provide the discipline. By thoroughly examining Kant's writings on politics, history, and ethics within the context of his larger philosophical project, Franke demonstrates that Kant's approach to international politics flatly contradicts many of the debates on which the modern discipline of International Relations rests. Paying specific attention to Kant's philosophy of judgment and the geopolitical vision one may draw from it, Franke concludes that scholars must give up the universal limits offered by concepts such as the international, world, or global, in favor of a far less certain and much more open interpretive framework emphasizing the political.