Volume 27, Issue 2 -

This paper argues that there are three complementizers que ‘that’ in French, the distinction between which is disguised by the fact that they are all phonetically realized as /kə/. Each complementizer has a different feature composition contingent on the selecting context (veridical/non-veridical). I draw a parallelism between wh-elements and the complementizer que ‘that’, and show that que ‘that’ has different properties sensitive to quantificational features, along the lines of Starke (2001). More precisely, que ‘that’ can have a “bigger” or a “smaller” feature structure (regardless of the clause structure) depending on the selecting environment it appears in (i.e. veridical, non-veridical). This property interacts with extraction phenomena under Relativized Minimality (RM) (Rizzi 2004), provided that RM is understood as a constraint on (a hierarchically organized bundle of) features rather than “structural type”, and thus accounts for the difference in extraction possibilities for wh -items from the different types of que -clauses. My proposal is extended to Modern Greek.

In this paper, we present extended argumentation against a raising analysis for every type of relative clauses. Specifically, we argue that purpose relative clauses involve raising of a null operator to Spec,CP, contrary to that -relatives, which involve raising of the antecedent DP. We further argue that this analysis applies to all purpose relative clauses, both subject and object purpose relatives. After showing that all purpose relatives in European Portuguese are CPs, we present several arguments in favor of a null operator analysis of this type of structure. First, we show that parasitic gap effects support the existence of a variable in object purpose relatives and in VP adjunct purpose clauses with an object gap. We then show that Principle A effects in object purpose relatives allow to distinguish this type of relatives from that -relatives and support a null operator analysis of the former. The same analysis is shown to apply to subject purpose relatives. Second, we compare European Portuguese to Capeverdean, a Portuguese-related creole. We claim that the properties of purpose relative clauses in Capeverdean show that the derivation of such clauses is different from the derivation of that -relatives, although wh -movement applies in both. Finally, we suggest that an analysis distinguishing the structure of object purpose relatives from the one of object that -relatives may contribute to explain some acquisition facts: if purpose relatives involve movement of a null operator instead of movement of a DP, they do not give rise to intervention effects that violate the version of Relativized Minimality which Friedmann et al. (2009) argue children assume.

In this paper, we will present a morpho-syntactic analysis of the class of Italian adverbs signalling bodily movements and postures ending with the suffix -one/i . The present work will investigate the significant differences between the uses of this type of adverbs in Old Italian vs . Contemporary Italian. Whereas it seems reasonable (following e.g. Cinque 1999, 2006a) to argue that they are merged in the Specifier of a low Manner Projection above the VP, there are many puzzling facts about them that we will try to account for in this paper. We will propose that, akin to CP adverbials, adverbs in -one/i have an inner prepositional value in their ‘bare’ form and we will show the consequences of this proposal.

The present study connects research on the L2 acquisition of variable structures to the ever-growing body of research on the role of study abroad in the language learning process. The data come from a group of 46 English-speaking learners of Spanish who participated in immersion programs in two distinct locations, Valencia, Spain and San Luis Potosí, Mexico. Simultaneously, we tested a group of native speakers from each region to create an appropriate target model for each learner group. Learners completed a written contextualized questionnaire at the beginning and end of their seven-week stay abroad. Our instrument examines three variable grammatical structures: (1) the copulas ser and estar in pre-adjectival contexts, (2) the preterit and the present perfect in past-time contexts, and (3) the simple present and present progressive in present-time contexts. Findings indicate an overall development of sociolinguistic competence abroad, but to a differing extent depending upon the variable structure analyzed.